The List of the massacred and executed people in the village of Izbica, in Drenica.
Drenica, April 6th (Kosovapress) Name Age Village Executed
* Idriz Xhemajli, (72), Izbic; * Halit Rama, Izbic; * Brahim Bajra, (79), Trnov; * Hetem Osmani, (67), Izbic; * Muharrem Osmani, Izbic; * Kajtaz Kajtazi, Trnov; * Muhamet Behrami, (61), Izbic; * Nuredin Behrami, (79); * Ilaz Bajra, (70) Trnov; * Avdullah Duraku, Buroj; * Fazli Bajraj, (62), Trnov; * Hajzer Gashi, Vojnik; * Dibran Duraku, Buroj; * Mustaf Sejdiu, Vojnik; * Beqir Dragaj, Vojnik; * Mustaf Muja, Vojnik; * Tahir Zeka, Buroj; * Milazim Zeka, Buroj; * Rifat Hoti (65), Jashanic; * Qerim Hoti (52), Jashanic; * Zeqir Shpati (60), Jashanic; * Rrustem Hoti (72), Jashanic; * Ilaz Dervishi (76), Leqin; * Muhamet Kadriu, Izbic; * Rexh Qelaj (73), Leqin; * Hazir Hoti (67), Jashanic; * Ismet Draga (30), Leqin; * Bajram Dervishi (53), Kastriot; * Salih Shala, Leqin; * Hamdi Doqi (40), Krnik; * Metush Qeli (69), Leqin; * Haxhi Beka, Kllodernic; * Sala Beka, Kllodernic; * Qerime Hajra, Rakinic; * Demush Behrami (66), Izbic; * Isuf Shala (64), Buroj; * Zenel Hoti, Plluzhin; * Halil Morina , Gllarev; * Rrahim Krasniqi, Vojnik; * Jetullah Kelmendi, Vojnik; * Lah Fetahu, Turiec; * Bajram Neziri, Vojnik; * Hamdi Demaj, Vojnik; * Smajl Qelaj (62), Leqin; * Zymer Shala (60), * Jetullah Thai, Ozdrim; * Shaban Rexhepi (85), Izbic; his cadaver is carbonized * Halit Muslija (62), Klina; executed * Ilaz Muslija (57), Klina; * Beqir Muslija (59), Klina; * Muhamet Muslija (61), Klina; * Naim Muslija (20), Klina; * Tahir Hoti (55), Jashanic; * Florim Krasniqi (30), Vojnik; he was handicapped person, now being executed * Sokol Duraku (36), Buroj; executed * Zeqir Kelmendi (85), massacred and carbonized * Mehmet Aliu (64), Izbic; executed * Halit Begani (52), Buroj; * Ajet Thai (71), * Sheremet Thai (49), handicapped person * Hajdar Bajraktari (54), Jashanic; executed * Azem Shabani (74), Buroj, * Sabit Qollopeku (55) , Shtupel; * Rexh Duraku (87), Buroj; * Sali Dervishi (67), Leqin; * Selman Loshi (78), Padalisht; * Jashar Loshi (48), Padalisht; * Sami Loshi (25), Padalisht; * Shefqet Hoti, Morina; * Vehbi Hoti, Morina; * Rabishe Osmani, Izbic;, carbonized * Osman Dajaku, Rakinice; * Bel Duraku Buroje; * Sahit Duka, Ozrim; executed * Pajazit Ceka, Krnic; * Zaim Bajrami (36), Izbic; medical technic, executed * Ajet Beqiri (39), Padalisht; executed * Enver Bajraj (32), Izbic; * Muj Shala (63), Leqin; * Ali Draga, Leqin; * Murat Dragaj, Leqin; * Rrustem Dragaj, Leqin; * Bajram Bajra, (72) Izbic; * Sami Bajra, (19) Izbic; * Islam Haliti, Izbic; handicapped * Besart Hajra, Izbic; * Sofie Dragaj, Leqin; * Halim Shala, (62) * Isuf Shala, (55) * Rrahim Tahiri (83), Vojnik; * Gani Demaj, Vojnik; * Muj Rexhepi (49), Izbic; * Hajriz Dragaj (42), Leqin; * Deli Krasniqi (58), Vojnik; * Ram Kotori (58), Vojnik; * Ram Thaqi (67), Buroj; * Fejz Hoxha (83), Vojnik; * Sadik Hoti (65), Jashanic; * Azem Osmani (71), Izbic; * Asllan Bajra (61), Trnov; * Asllani AÃƧareva, * Hamit Ibrahimi, Buroj; * Muhamet Hoti (63), Vojnik; * Ramadan Raci, Jelloc; * Qazim Bajrami (67), Izbic; * Musli Doqi (36), Grapc; * Ram Syla, Shtupelit, * Zenel Veliqi, Polac; * Hamz Qupeva, Jashanic; * Dibran Thaqi, Buroj; * Hysen Shala (63), Buroj; * Rrahim Kotori (76), Vojnik; * Cen Dragaj (77), Leqin; * Murat Dragaj (67), Leqin; * Hamit Thaqi (77), Buroj, * Bajram Caku, Buroj; * Isuf Shala, Buroj; * Halit Hajdari, Plluzhin; * Hajriz Shala, Buroj; * Hasan Mustafa, Obri; * Bislim Bajraktari, Resnik; * Qazim Xhemajli, Likoc; * Rabishe Osmani, Izbic; * Qerime Mula, Jashanic; * Zade Dragaj (90) Leqin;
There is another unidentified executed person who has been with other massacred people. This is the list of massacred people in Izbica but fortunately there are 6 persons who have survived from this massacre.Before they were buried they have been filmed and we have also testimonies of three witnesses who were among the lucky one to survive. The execution has been executed by dividing the people in four groups of 30-40 people for each group in, while this has been executed by six soldiers for each group selected by their superiors. According to the confirmed informations this list is not a final one.
The list of the killed massacred in the villages of Runik, Kllodernic and Turiqec.
Drenica, April 6th (Kosovapress)The list of the persons executed and massacred from the Balkan criminals that are found killed in the villages of Runik, Kllodernic and Turiqevc. (according to the confirmed informations, these lists are not final ones).
Name Age VillageIslam Miftari (69), Runik Mexhit Miftari,(27), Runik Nuhi Miftari (14), Runik Rifat Miftari (49), Runik
Rrahman Miftari (48), Runik Mustaf Hyseni (50), Kastriot Rrustem Miftari ( 65), Runik Emine Latifi (62), Runik Bajram Hasani (85), Kllodernic Kadri Hasani (65), Kllodernic Kamer Spahiu (48), Kastriot Hivzi ÃÆââ¬Â¡itaku (25), Runik Hatmane Osmani(25), Kllodernic Ahmet Osmani (40), Kllodernic Naim Kajtazi (22), Kllodernic Jahir Hajrizi (55), Runik Bashkim Imeri (22), Kllodernic Isuf Mula (45), Vitak Osman Spahiu (55), Vitak Zeqir Mula (50), Vitak His daughter-in-law (27), Vitak Rexhep Osmani (35), Kllodernic Xhevdet Osmani (30), Kllodernic Idriz Sejdiu (50), Runik Sadri Abazi (60), Kllodernic Shaban Osmani (70), Kllodernic Ramadan Beka (65), Kllodernic Shyqyri Mula (42), Vitak Murat Topalli (67), Vitak Hysni Musa (33), Prekaz i Epërm Ismet Spahiu (40), Vitak Osman Mula (60), Vitak (burnt in his tractor) Fetah Spahiu (35), Vitak Mehmet Aliu, Rezall Valdete Spahiu (12), Vitak Zekiri Fetah Mula (17), Kllodernic Driton Gani Mula (17), Kllodernic Abedin Gani Mula , Kllodernic Fegjri (Zen) Gashi (22) Nazmi Osmani (24), Kllodernic Sheremet Mula (41) Ismet Smakaj (64) Halime Smakaj (71) Miradie Mulaj Shaban Mulaj (84) Haxhi Beka with two daughters and his wife Xhemail Beka Gjevat Osmani. Man Mulaj, found burnt.
According to confirmed informations, this is not the final list.
The serbian forces are continuing their attacks against the villages with displaced population
Podujevë, April 6th (Kosovapress) Today, since the early hours of the day, the barbaric serbs have started an offensive of broadly destructive dimensions against the villages: Sfeqël, Balloc, Lladoc, Shajkoc, Batllavë, Miroc, Livadicë, Shtedim, villages where have been placed over 70 000 inhabitants displaced from the other villages of Llapi. The population is again expelled, obliged to get into the mountains, while the units of KLA have placed themselves in defense of this population, fighting face to face with serbian forces and doing an extraordinary resistance. The general situation in the Operative Zone of Llap, is very grave. The displaced population of this side is passing through its most difficult and painful days, being confronted with life or death. Only in the environ of Podujeva, there are over 90 000 displaced people, which have remained without shelters and a large amount of them are sheltered in mountains, without food, clothes, medicines for the wounded and sick persons.
Consensus Grows to Send Ground Troops
By Dan Balz Washington Post Staff Writer Tuesday, April 6, 1999; Page A1
With remarkable speed, a consensus supporting the deployment of U.S. ground forces in Kosovo has formed in Washington, and a Washington Post-ABC News Poll shows a similarly dramatic shift in public opinion, with 55 percent of the public saying they would support such a change in policy.
Even as the Clinton administration continues to rule out ground forces until "a permissive environment" exists in Kosovo, a chorus of foreign policy experts and key members of Congress have been making the case that deployment may be inevitable. They argue that, with the air war failing to achieve its immediate objectives of stopping Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, it may take such a risky commitment to deal with the mushrooming humanitarian disaster unfolding on the ground there and to salvage the credibility of the NATO alliance. Foreign policy analysts say some of the old notions of left and right have gone out the window in the post-Cold War environment. Instead, the consensus for what could be a wider war in Europe fuses humanitarian instincts of many on the left who are outraged by the scenes of refugees flooding into Macedonia with realpolitik advocates who argue that U.S. power and prestige must be protected in a conflict with a leader like Milosevic."Very early on, there was among the foreign policy establishment a realization that this was real, that this was not just a bit of bombing, but that it basically was a declaration of war," said Ivo Daalder of the Brookings Institution and a former National Security Council adviser to President Clinton. "People realized what we were engaged in was war and that the stakes were far grander and far larger than the administration painted them." Dissenters have been few and far between, despite a post-Vietnam reluctance to commit ground forces in combat and a perception that the American public won't tolerate casualties on the battlefield. Some Republicans strongly oppose the use of ground forces, but with Congress in recess until next week, it isn't clear how divided the legislative branch is about what the administration should do next.
The drumbeat in favor of ground forces by the foreign policy establishment, coupled with the grim images of the flood of refugees leaving Kosovo, has had an immediate-and significant -- impact on public opinion. Last week, a CBS News poll found that 41 percent of those surveyed supported ground forces to help end the conflict, with 52 percent opposed. The Post-ABC News poll, conducted yesterday, shows 55 percent in favor and 41 percent against. The margin of error is plus or minus 5 percentage points. The poll, based on interviews with 509 randomly sampled Americans, found that support for the NATO airstrikes had risen from 55 percent last week to 68 percent. About two out of three Americans -- 68 percent -- said the airstrikes would not be sufficient to achieve NATO's goals and that ground troops would be necessary to finish the job. Public opinion analysts cautioned, however, that the public still has reservations about the use of force under messy conditions. "There's very little appetite for casualties," said Andrew Kohut of the Pew Research Center. "Support there now would evaporate if the specter of a quagmire were to be evoked by Kosovo." For now, the events in Yugoslavia have brought together disparate elements along the political spectrum in support of a more robust U.S. response to the evidence that Serbian forces have used the bombing campaign as an excuse to drive ethnic Albanians out of Kosovo.
"With the Cold War over, one of the things that happened on the liberal wing of politics is an increasing desire to do humanitarian things with foreign policy," said Robert Borosage, co-director of the Campaign for America's Future. The arguments in favor of preserving U.S. and NATO credibility have, if anything, been made even more strongly by the foreign policy elite. On almost any day, the editorial pages of major newspapers and television talk shows have been filled with such commentary from former secretaries of state and members of the Senate Foreign Relations and Armed Services committees. The policy debate has grave implications for Clinton and Vice President Gore but also may affect attitudes toward Republican candidates seeking the 2000 presidential nomination. Republican candidates remain divided on the deployment of ground forces.
Analysts said yesterday the war in Yugoslavia has given a short-term boost to Arizona Sen. John McCain (R), who was an early and outspoken advocate of using whatever means necessary to win the war and explicitly put the issue of ground troops on the table when others were not talking about it. "He's taken amazing strides in making himself a credible candidate," said Robert Kagan of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Texas Gov. George W. Bush (R), who leads the GOP field in the polls, was judged more harshly for having been more tentative in his statements, although he attempted to clarify his position yesterday during a telephone interview from Texas. He wouldn't say definitively whether he judged the administration's policy a failure but said a stable Europe and the refugee crisis meant that it is in the U.S. interest "to win" the war. "All options ought to be on the table," he said. "If the mission is to win, then I think all options ought to be available to the military planners."
How the City of Peja was Destroyed by Serbian Barbarians in 1999 AD
Centuries to Create, Days to Despoil
By Karl Vick Washington Post Foreign Service Monday, April 5, 1999; Page A20
ROZAJE, Yugoslavia âââ¬" It began with a throaty rumble, as the tanks lurched out the front gate of their compound and onto the darkened street. Moving into position, they pointed their barrels into the heart of Pec, Kosovo's second-largest city, and opened fire. It takes centuries to build a city like Pec, but Serb-led military forces would prove it can take just days to destroy it.
Not since World War II has Europe seen entire cities purged of the people within them. But beginning within hours of the first NATO airstrikes on Yugoslavia on March 24, Yugoslav troops, Serbian police units and paramilitary groups forced 80,000 ethnic Albanians âââ¬" Pec's entire non-Serb population âââ¬" to flee, all the while looting, shelling and burning their shops and homes.
The assault on Pec foreshadowed the emptying days later of Pristina, the capital of Kosovo and its largest city. And it provided the first signal to the region of the scale of the refugee crisis that would soon engulf it. It also adds to mounting evidence, gathered from the testimony of refugees and the analysis of Western officials, that the mass expulsion of Kosovo's majority ethnic Albanian population was a premeditated act, systematically carried out and timed to begin as the first NATO bombs fell.
By March 28, four days after the expulsions began, refugees from Pec began arriving here at the border of Montenegro, Serbia's much smaller sister republic in the Yugoslav federation. Their individual accounts of survival and flight from Pec blend into a common story of the destruction of their city. It begins with the tanks. "Ba-Boom, the whole night. This was the music," said Jauna Higiena, who cowered in the basement of her family home day and night in the Kapishnisca, an ethnic Albanian neighborhood. To venture into the street during a lull was to risk being shot. The shelling continued for several days, terrorizing the population. People kept the curtains drawn and their children quiet and awaited the armed men.The roundup itself followed, and it was by turns methodical and anarchic. Troops wearing green went door to door ordering the occupants into the street. Police wearing blue directed the throng into the city center. The paramilitary groups who moved between them but answered to no one wore gray camouflage, ski masks and fingerless gloves. They kicked in doors and demanded money and gold, and sometimes they took custody of men of fighting age, who were led away and have not been seen since. "We were not allowed to look around, or to look back," said Isa Rame, 49, of the stunned human column he joined with only the clothes on his back. "My daughter is 18 years old. She looked back and said, 'It seems our houses are on fire.'" 'In Town It Was Quiet'
Pec âââ¬" in Serbian it is pronounced "Pesch" âââ¬" straddles the Bistrica River in western Kosovo. Its old city is a maze of cobblestone streets lined with the shops of goldsmiths who fashioned the jewelry that Kosovo Albanians collect partly for beauty, mostly as life savings. The Albanians, who call the city where they have lived for centuries "Peje," were an overwhelming majority there, as they were throughout Kosovo, a Serbian province. Although most residents of Pec are Muslims, they speak admiringly of the Orthodox Christian monastery on the edge of town, with its gorgeous view of the plain and the mountains rising at the border with Montenegro, barely 30 miles away.
Until 12 days ago, Pec had largely been immune from the ethnic conflict that has torn at Kosovo for the past 13 months. The countryside was a stronghold of the Kosovo Liberation Army, the secessionist ethnic Albanian rebel movement whose roots in the city were not deep. "In the town it was quiet," Lumtunje Arifaj said. "In the villages it was something else, but in the town it was okay." 'The Houses Were Burning' All through the night of Wednesday, March 24, the tanks fired from just 300 yards away, sending shells over Jauna Higiena's house into town. The rounds left phosphorescent trails in the sky. On the other side of the house, police in a nearby station fired on a mosque, shattering its windows. When morning came, Higiena tried to go to work. A soldier on the street told her to go back inside. That night, shots peppered the house. Higiena, her mother, two brothers and sister crawled out the back door and made their way on their hands and knees to a garden shed. In the morning, she was allowed to go to work, on streets empty except for her. Her boss sent her home. The shelling resumed at 3:30 p.m."You couldn't see anything but fire and smoke," Higiena said. "All the houses were burning."Across town, in a subdivision he built, Beke Zekaj was gathering his family. A successful businessman with a cable television company in Pristina, he was also a member of the Democratic League of Kosovo, an ethnic Albanian political organization that supports independence for Kosovo through peaceful means. When the shelling began, he said, he called "my members." All agreed they were not armed for a fight.The homes of ethnic Albanian political activists would be the first torched, along with the shops of the old city, the center of ethnic Albanian commercial life. 'To Save Our Heads' By the weekend, the expulsion was proceeding in full force. The soldiers came to Higiena's street on Sunday morning. She had seen people rushing by the previous day. "We don't know where we are going," someone told her. "We are just going. We just wanted to save our heads." When the soldiers arrived at 10:30 a.m., Higiena's family tumbled into the throng. It was moving toward the center of town. Across the river, Drilon Zeka, 14, was still asleep when his uncle saw the troops outside and announced it was time to flee. He slipped on sneakers still wet from being washed and hurried downstairs, terrified. There was a forest near their house, but when Zeka heard shots coming from that direction he ducked into a garage. So did his 9-year-old brother, Qendrim, and two neighbors, both age 20. They hid Qendrim first, giving him the best place, between stacks of wood, because, Zeka recalled, "we had heard that in Drenica [site of a September massacre of ethnic Albanians] they had killed children." Then they tried to hide themselves.The soldiers found them all. The boys were ordered to join the column of people in the street. 'We Are Arkan's Men'"We are Arkan's men," said the man standing in Zoje Kastrati's house.He wore civilian clothes, not the uniform associated with the paramilitary forces of Zeljko Raznatovic, a Bosnian Serb whose indictment for alleged war crimes in the Bosnian war was announced by the international tribunal in The Hague last week. The man said he wanted money. The Kastratis gave him 3,000 German marks, the equivalent of $1,600. Then the man took all the gold jewelry he could find. He also tried to drag Zoje's husband, Mahmet, down the staircase of the four-story house, insisting he was a member of the Kosovo Liberation Army. The same thing was happening across town, at the house of Fatima Kelmendi, 80, the sister of Kastrati's stepfather. Soldiers led away her 45-year-old son, Isuf Kelmendi, along with another man. Moments later, Fatima Kelmendi heard a shot. Her relatives say the old woman is alone in believing her son is alive. In the Kastrati home, the intruders relented when her husband showed them the address on his identity card. The paper named not a village known as a guerrilla stronghold, but a city street. Satisfied, they told the family members they could stay another three days, which âââ¬" to their own amazement âââ¬" they did. On their way out, their terrorizers joked that the men of the house should join them for a drink. "We've got money!" one said. 'Give Me Deutschemarks'
At Zekaj's subdivision, the first grenade came over the compound wall at 4:20 a.m. Sunday. It exploded on the front steps of an empty house. A second grenade landed between two houses. No one was hurt, but Zekaj knew it was time to leave. By midmorning, the men had created an opening in the home's 12-foot concrete wall. "The first block was hard to get out," Zekaj said. "After that, it was easy." The escape convoy, led by the family patriarch's Mercedes, headed straight to Montenegro. They were just a mile from the border when they stopped at a familiar building; once Zekaj's summer home, it was now a police checkpoint. A masked man there had a Mercedes of his own. "Give me 2,000 deutschemarks," he said. Zekaj pleaded that 1,000 marks was all he had. The masked man took the money and tossed it into his car. Currency covered the floor of the vehicle. Its glove compartment was so stuffed with bills it would not shut. 'Where's Your NATO?' Drilon Zeka had never seen so many people in the city center. Thousands teemed in the streets leading to the Metohija Hotel, where buses, cars and trucks waited, policemen at the wheels. He stayed close to his family, looking for familiar faces. Men in uniform smiled cynically and called out, "Where's NATO? Where's your Clinton?" "We had to choose the bus to Montenegro or to Albania," Higiena said. But she kept looking around, trying to find her brother. The people in the street had warned that men were being separated from women and children, a process she understood as a prelude to mass execution.
"I am very much attached to my brother," she said, and yet somehow they had become separated. She was on the bus to Montenegro, thinking she would rather die with him than live without him, when she heard his voice. "I couldn't believe it," Higiena said. The journey to Rozaje, normally a half-hour by car, took eight hours. The road through the mountain pass was a glut of humanity.
Temat e fundit
