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ne: 03-02-2005, 17:42:51
The Insitute of History, Prishtina


1. Albanian Ethnic Territories in Nineteenth Century  

To the majority of the peoples in the Balkans the nineteenth century presented a period of endeavours and struggles for national freedom, independence and emancipation. However, in that time, in the minds of some of these peoples greater state aspirations began to be born and were manifested to the detriment of the being and territories of  their neighbours. The Albanians and the land where they lived were the target of such invading intentions for quite a long period. These aspirations became stronger particularly during and after the Eastern Crisis (1875-1878) through propagandistic campaigns, and later through occupations and ethnic cleansing of these territories. This is witnessed by historical sources of the time, various ethno-graphic documents and special historiography documents.  
The very important geostrategic position, abundant in natural resources, fertile soil and other favourable climate conditions of the Albanian land made them an object of permanent interests of Serbian and Greek circles.  
The Albanian coast, one of the most attractive in this region, that was about 500 kilometres long, had many isles, ports and cities with developed crafts and economy.  
In addition to it, the continental part of the Albanian land had fertile soil in Dukagjin and Kosova, and the regions of Toplica, Kosanica, Presheva, Kumanova, Shkup (Skopje), Tetova, Kërçova, Arta and Janina.1  
According to the facts presented by Lord Broughton (1809), the Albanian land extended between 39 and 43 (geographical parallels) and between 17 and 20 (geographi-cal meridians), covering in this way a surface of 62,500 square kilometres.2 By some students of Balkan questions, the extension of the Albanians was witnessed to have been up to NiÅ¡, Leskovac and Vranje in the north; to Kumanova, Përlep and Manastir in the east; to Konitza, Janina and Preveza in the south.3 This region, according to Sami Frashëri, embraced a surface of 70,000 km2, and according to an Italian study it was 80,000 square kilometres.4 Within this space (in the vilayets of Shkodra, Kosova, Manastir and Janina), the population, consisting of the Albanians in the greatest majority, lived under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, that had a character of an ethnically compact territory, and  was fairly called Albania (Arnavutluk) by many authors writing about their travels, and by some scholars and diplomats of the time. That Albania, although without any special political or administrative character, maintained its simple Albanian and compact physiognomy and opposed to the Slavonic and Greek intentions and threats. However, the space of the Albanian land was not threatened by the Slavonic and Greek aspirations only. After the Eastern Crisis, the Ottoman Empire experienced its natural collapse. Facing its multiple internal contradictions and pressures exerted by big powers from outside, it made its efforts in vain to avoid its decomposition by various new administrative reforms. In this way, many forms of military, political and administrative organisation took place on the Albanian land. Administrative divisions and revisions, undoubtedly harmed the interests of the Albanian people heavily, since the political and ethnic unit of Albania was denied in that way.5  
On the whole, from the ethnic viewpoint, the Albanian historical territory was divided into two large zones: the ethnic trunk, where the Albanians constituted the absolute majority of population, and the side belt, where the Albanians did not constitute its majority.6  
In order to create a possibly most real picture of the regions of ethnic Albanians in twentieth century, we bring some data from geographic maps, various ethnographic publications and documents, statistical evidence on the proportion of the Albanian population in comparison to the alien elements that have settled on the land of the latter.  
Among the maps that deserve being taken as a basis are those by the German authors, Kettler and Kiepert (Berlin, 1876), as they present incontestable authorities in the field of ethnography and as such, they offer objective evidence.7 According to those maps, the Albanian land is called the square surface that extends from north on the line from Novi-Pazar to NiÅ¡, in the east from Leskovac to Kumanova, Shkup and Veles, in the west from Novi-Pazar to Gucia and the extreme north-western coast of the Lake of Shkodra.8  
Another map that shows the compact zones inhabited by the Albanians in 1875 is based on the results of ethnographic research work on Albania. According to it, the Albanian ethnic line starts from Novi-Pazar to the environs of NiÅ¡, it comes down to a point in the north-east of Vranje, continuing south to Manastir, and including Presheva, Kumanova, Shkup, Tetova, Gostivar and Kërçova. In the north-west, this line includes Rozhaja, Tutin, Istog, Peja, Plava, Gucia, Podgorica, Hot, Gruda and Ulqin.9 Other later maps are close to these borders, with small changes, that are the results brought about by the changes made in the time.  
This space of ethnic Albanians is proved also by the evidence provided by outstanding foreign scholars, some of whom have walked and seen those regions with their own eyes.  
The well-known scholar and albanologist, Georg von Hahn, when writing on the natural (geographic and ethnic) border of Albania, claimed that the border extended from Montenegro in the north to the bay of Arta in the south, i.e., from north of Tivar (Bar) to the cape of Preveza, pointing out that the Albanians inhabited the whole central region that extended from the north end of the Lake of Shkodra up to NiÅ¡.10 The same author, in a later work of his (1866), underlined that the River of Morava was the one that divided the Albanian land from the Slavonic one, emphasising that the Albanians had an incontestable majority in Fusha e Kosovës and along the river of Vardar in Shkup.11  
Gabriel Louis Jaray also admitted that the Albanian element fulfilled a large space in the Vilayet of Manastir, and the whole Vilayet of Kosova, to the bank of Vardar in Shkup. He said of Shkup that "it is one of the vanguard castles of the Albanians and one of their main cities". According to the facts that he refers to, it comes out that Shkup had 45,000 inhabitants, of whom 25,000 were Muslims, almost all Albanians, 10-15,000 Bulgarians, 3,000 Serbs and 2,000 Jews. Whereas, he qualified Peja, Gjakova and Prizren as fully Albanian cities.12  
The Greek consul in Shkodra, Epaminondas Mavro-matis (1879-1881), in his published reports (1884) said that Albania included these parts - regions seen from the ethnographic aspect: 1. South Albania, that extended to Parga; 2. Central Albania, extending between Shkumbin and Mat; 3. Upper Albania, extending between Mat and Montenegro; 4. The north-eastern Part and 5. Western Macedonia.  
The north-eastern region extended  to the part that was given to Serbia by the Congress of Berlin, as well as to Prizren, Gjakova, Peja, Kalkandelen (Tetova), Luma, Prishtina, Gjilan, Vushtria, Mitrovica, Novi-Pazar, Shkup and Kumonaova. Western Macedonia inhabited by the Albanians included: Prilep, Ohri, Kërçova, Kostur, Follorina, Kolonja and Korça, that had a population of 220,000 inhabitants, of whom 140,000 were of the Islamic and 80,000 of Orthodox religion.13 Serbian administration also confirmed the fact that Albania was the region that extended from Sjenica, Novi-Pazar to Prokuplje and further to the internal part of Turkey, to Shkodra.14 Dr Vasa Cubrilovic wrote also that "the regions of Prokuplje, Kursumlia, Leskovac up to NiÅ¡ were called 'Arnavutluk of Toplica'".15  
The administration map of the Ottoman Empire became more or less invariable in the Balkan Peninsula only after the wave of the Eastern Crisis passed (1883). But in this time too, the Albanian land remained partitioned into four vilayets (Shkodra, Kosova, Manastir and Janina). A part of the ethnic trunk (the regions of Ulqin, Podgorica, Shpuza, Vranje, Leskovac and NiÅ¡) remained outside the Ottoman Empire, therefore outside the four vilayets of the Albanians.16  
According to statistical evidence and approximate calculations, the population that lived in the territories of the four vilayets mentioned above in the time of the Eastern Crisis could be around 1,700,000 inhabitants, the majority Albanians.17 The platform of the Albanian Renaissance was founded on this basis and its representatives requested their inclusion within the future state of the Albanians.  

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#1 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:43:10
2. 'Nacertanija'- a Project on Serbian Official Planning of Expulsions  

On the eve of the Eastern Crisis, among the ruling and diplomatic circles of the Serbs, Greeks and Bulgarians dominated the conviction that the collapse of the Ottoman Empire was inevitable. That is why preparations were made and agreements were concluded about its future domination. Serbia was distinguished for such intentions. Ilija GaraÅ¡anin, the minister of internal affairs of Serbia and one of the most outstanding Serbian officials in nineteenth century, compiled the first programme of the Serbian expansionist policy in 1844, known by the name 'Nacertanija'.18  
I. GaraÅ¡anin found his inspiration for such a huge project in the motive of inheritance of the Kingdom of Dusan, that the Ottomans destroyed in fourteenth century, and that has continued to be a mythic obsession of Serbian politicians to the present day.  
The political project of Ilija GaraÅ¡anin explained and determined the Serbian policy of the time and the intentions of that policy in the future.  
Serbia, according to GaraÅ¡anin, has a historical mission of uniting all the southern Slavs and the regions where they live. In his point of view, Serbia should be the protector of all the Slavs under the Ottoman Empire. Only when it took this duty over itself, the other Slavs would allow it to speak and act in their name.19 In order to fulfil the ideas that 'Nacertanija'contained, being aware of the possibilities and the degree of the development of Serbia, GaraÅ¡anin thought about the means, methods and forms of action as well. According to him, when one knows what he aims at and works decisively and powerfully, the means for accomplishing the task are obtained easily and quickly.20 He stated that Serbia was small, therefore, if it wanted to extend its existence, it should be expanded territorially, be transformed into a strong Balkan state, capable to exist by itself.21 Another condition for future Serbia to be stable, strong and developed, according to GaraÅ¡anin,  was that it had to be ruled by an inherited dynasty. According to 'Nacertanija', one could not imagine steady and long-term unification of Serbia and the other Serbs in the neighbourhood without accomplishing this principle.22  
From 'Nacertanija'of GaraÅ¡anin were transmitted the ideas for multiple falsifications of Serbian historiography between 70-80-s of nineteenth century on the land of the Albanians, such as Kosova, baptised by the name 'Old Serbia' (Stara Srbija).23  
This devised term was not mentioned at all in European scientific literature in the past centuries. This term was not noted on geographic maps of south-eastern Europe of 15th-18th centuries either, such as those of Rozeli, Gastald, Mekatore, Kantel, Celebija, Jansen, etc. The term 'Old Serbia' is not found in the big historical and geographic dictionary either, published in 1884 in Istanbul.24 This indicates that the Serbs had not been able to spread this devised term, invented by GaraÅ¡anin, until that time (nineteenth century).  
The national ideology and Serbian state policy coming out of 'Nacertanija'of GaraÅ¡anin had the intention to occupy else's territories, to denationalise, assimilate and expatriate the other peoples, and the Serbian expansion, colonisation and creation of a greater Serbia were foreseen instead.  

3. The Great Expatriation in 1877-1878  

Making use of the circumstances created in the middle of 1876, Serbia accelerated the preparations to declare war against the Ottoman Empire. The officers of the Serbian military headquarters estimated that the expansion of the rebellion in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the beginning of the rebellion in Bulgaria, the position of the other peoples in the Balkans against the Ottoman Empire, as well as the relationships of Serbia with Russia, Greek and Montenegro were a convenient moment. They thought that small Serbia, of totally 1,400,000 inhabitants, was given a rare opportunity to expand its territory, precisely as it had been projected in 'Nacertanija'of GaraÅ¡anin, in the direction to Bosnia, and also to the Albanian land.  
The Serbian Prince himself, Milan Obrenovic, in his proclamation announced in June 1876, on the eve of Serbian-Turkish war, in order to camouflage the occupational aspirations of Serbia, declared that "Serbia is forced to begin the defending war..."25 The position of Serbia towards the Albanian population and territory was occupying and hostile, that came out of its threat that "the Albanians will feel directly the pressure of our force, and what cannot be achieved by money will be achieved by force."26  
Similar threats with occupying intentions to the regions of the Albanians were manifested by Montenegro as well. The explanations of the Montenegrin minister of forces were identical with those of Serbian officials: "We cannot always be forced to pass a hard life on our hills, but we have to go down to the field that is in front of us."27 Facing such threats, the Albanians did not have many alternatives, and they had to defend their land that was endangered by the occupying intentions of Slavonic allies.  
On 30 June, 1876, Serbia proclaimed war to the Ottoman Empire. After some small temporary success, it not only was defeated, but also forced to withdraw within the existing border. It was seen that the Serbian military could not resist war in many fronts, that was imposed by the Ottoman Empire. By the intervention of Russia to the advantage of peace, on 1 September, 1876, the Serbian - Ottoman war came to its end with Serbian defeat.28  
Serbia made use of the signed cease-fire so that it regrouped armed forced and made necessary preparations to begin war again. International circumstances were in its favour. On 24 April, 1877, Russia proclaimed war to the Ottoman Empire. In the meantime, Serbia signed a treaty with Rumania (16/4/1877), reorganised its forces, provided itself with required financial aids and on the request of Russia, the second Serbian-Ottoman war began on 13 December, 1877.29  
The first war did not develop in the territory inhabited by the Albanian population, and so there were not remarked considerable displacement of the Albanian population. However, mass movements and forceful ones were caused during the second war (1877-1878), and after its termination.30 Therefore, they took place when the Albanian National Movement was about to rise in a new and higher phase, both from the practical and organisational aspect and political and national one, and in the time of its confrontation and disturbance of relationships with the Ottoman Empire, on the one hand, and in the time of sincere endeavours for collaboration with the Balkan states and peoples, on the other hand. Nevertheless, unfortunately, those attempts did not receive any purport and good understanding of the neighbouring countries. On the contrary, led by invading appetites, they put the Albanians and their movement on harsh temptations and alternatives, forcing them to fight for their existence at many fronts. Most mass resettlements, forced by political and strategic motives and planned by the Serbian occupying circles, took place in the winter (December - January) of 1877-1878. The war between the Serbian and Ottoman forces took place mainly in the regions of the Sanjac of NiÅ¡, especially in its south-western part, that was inhabited in majority by the Albanians31 (Toplica, Pusta Reka, Jabllanica, and other regions of Leskovac and Vranje), as well as the urban centres of that sanjac. The main Ottoman forces were busy on the front with Russia, and they were few on the front against Serbia, therefore they were not able to confront the Serbian attacks. NiÅ¡, Prokuple, Leskovac, Ak Palanka with their territories could not manage to defence themselves. However, on the line Permali, Përpelac of Merdari, Samakova, St. Ilia Mountain at Vranje, etc., the Ottoman forces managed to get defended quite well and did not allow the Serbian forces to travel to Kosova. A merit for this successful defence, undoubtedly, belonged to Hafiz Pasha.32  
The relatively fast defeat of the Ottoman military should be sought in the war on many fronts that was imposed to it, in weak armament of the military, the hatred of the indigenous population towards the regime, as well as in the wheedling and hypocritical attitude of the Serbian circles to this population. The proclamations that were spread among the Albanians in that time read, "if you stay quiet and do not disturb the soldiers, no one will disturb you"; however, in the instructions given to Serbian soldiers was said, "The less Arnavuts (Albanians) and Turks remain with us, the greater will be your contribution to the country".33  
In order to put these instructions in practice, the Serbian military used force, committed massacres and genocide on the Albanians, who were forced to leave their homes and run away. These morose scenes were prescribed objectively by a teacher from Leskovac, Josif H. Kostic, who was a witness of these tragic events: "In the winter, very cold and frosty, of  1877-1878, I saw people running away, weakly dressed and barefoot, that had abandoned their warm and wealthy rooms ... On the way from  Grdelica to Vranje, all the way to Kumanova, on both sides of the road corpse of children and old people could be seen that had died of the cold".34 Another witness, Sreten Popovic, confirmed the same thing: "I saw frozen children that were falling on their mothers' embrace, or were carried in cradles. When mothers saw their children had died of the frost, they left them on the road side and continued running away. Corpses of old persons that had died of the cold could be seen on road sides." Plundering, burning down the houses, killing and the frost were misfortunes that accompanied the great wave of forceful displacement of the Albanians from their own land in that unforgotten winter.  
This harsh situation was confirmed also by the Commissary of the Serbian border, the English John Ross, who, apart from others, when dealing with the situation he had seen, wrote the following: "Almost all the inhabitants of the western part of the Sanjac of NiÅ¡, who surrendered to Serbia, were the Albanians of the Muslim religion..., therefore, when this district was occupied by Serbian military, the population could not stand up to the invaders. All of them left for the Vilayet of Kosova, deserting in this way the whole country."37 It is evaluated that there were "60,000 Albanian refugees spread out in the Vilayet of Kosova in 1878. They have never gone back to their former villages, as most of them had lost everything."37  
The evidence of the number of Albanian inhabitants forced to run away from the regions of present South Serbia can be found out of the number of the immigrants that left their homes in 1877-1878 and were settled in different parts of the Ottoman Empire, where a large part of them were concentrated, such as in Kosova, Macedonia, Greece, etc. This can also be figured from the talks that the English consul Geuld had with the mayor of Prishtina, who complained of having had troubles with the immigrants coming from the regions of NiÅ¡, Leskovac and other ones and had gathered there. In connection to this, the consul informed London that 90,000-100,000 immigrants had come to Prishtina.39  
On the basis of abundant data of various sources (Turkish, Serbian, Britain, German, Albanian, etc.) dealing with the number of the immigrated Albanians from south Serbia, one can conclude that there were around 640 villages in that region inhabited by the Albanian population. Out of them, 370 villages were inhabited by Albanians in the vast majority, and the others by mixed population, where Albanians were in minority. The total number of the Albanians in the regions of Vranje, Leskovac, Prokuplje and Kursumlia amounted to 158,968 inhabitants.40  They had to emigrate by force and terror from their own land after the wars of 1877-1878.  

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#2 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:43:34
4. Serbia Ignored the Decisions of the Congress of Berlin  

The Congress of Berlin (13/04/1878) had on its agenda re-discussion on the Treaty of San Stefano, which had left hard consequences on the fate of the Albanians and Albania. San Stefano confronted the interests of the great powers at the international level as well. That is why the Congress of Berlin became not only an international forum from which the settling of international relationship in Europe was expected, but it also gave the Albanians hopes to escape the partition of their land. Nevertheless, the hopes of the Albanians and the requests of the delegation of the Albanian League of Prizren were ignored. Even the right of this delegation to participate at the Congress was denied. The Albanian territories were treated as a 'Turkish dominion', and the Albanians as 'Turkish citizens', although the Albanians had fought against Turkey!  
Seeing such an ignoring treatment, Abdyl Frashëri was right to protest: "If the Great Powers will condemn this brave and freedom-loving people to remain in slavery, and worse than that to be partitioned among the neighbouring states, the Balkan Peninsula will never have peace, as the Albanians will never cease to fight to win their national independence. On the other way, if the national right will be recognised to the Albanians, they may become a factor of peace and barrier to tsar expansionism that endangers not only the Balkan Peninsula, but the European continent as well."41 This objective evaluation can be shown true and farsighted even nowadays. The fact that this problem was ignored is one of the main causes of the dangers which the present Europe has faced.  
The Congress of Berlin regarded the strategic interests of great powers, as well as plundering requests of the Balkan neighbours to the detriment of Albanian territories. Even though Serbia requested Kosova and the Dukagjin Plain, that were not handed over, it still managed to expand its territory from 34,000 km2 to 48,700 km2. This expansion of the territory was more valuable to it, as in that way it came close to Kosova.42 Montenegro was expanded from 4,700 km2 to 9,100 km2; as well as Greece from 51,860 km2 to 72,164 km2.43  
Even though the Albanians did not have the purport of the Congress of Berlin that they deserved and their political identity was ignored, its decisions prevented their misery partition projected by San Stefano, the Russians, Bulgarians, Serbs and Montenegrins.44  
 The most severe violation caused to the Albanians by the decisions of the Congress of Berlin were undoubtedly those that legalised Serbian-Montenegrin violence and occupation of the Albanian land. Serbia was given the regions that had been granted to Bulgaria by the Conference of San Stefano: the regions of NiÅ¡, Prokuple, Kursumlia, Vranje and Leskovac; Montenegro was handed over  the areas of Tivar, Podgorica, Plava, Gucia, Rugova and Kolasin, and they recognised Cetinja the right to free sailing in the river Buna and the Lake of Shkodra.45 Serbia not only was not satisfied with its great expansions, but it began to ignore the obligations coming out of the documents of the Congress itself.  
In articles 35 and 39 of the Treaty of Berlin, it was clearly formulated that in the regions mentioned above both Muslims and Christians should enjoy their civilian and political rights in an equal way and they may freely posses their own real estate.46 Due to the injustice that was perpetrated and violence that was exerted by the Serbian regime, the Albanians that had emigrated and those who ëere still living in their property addressed petitions to the Congress of Berlin and to diplomatic representatives of great powers. In one of those petitions was said: "...the situation is harsh at all levels of life. We have lost whatever we have had... The Serbian government does not stick to the agreement of Berlin; it has confiscated out property, it has taken everything living, crops, etc., that is why we ask great powers to engage themselves in protection of our real estate."47  
The Congress of Berlin did not get deep enough into the article 39, which anticipated the solution of the issue of emigrants' property. It stick mainly to the Peace Regulation of San Stefano. Serbian regime circles, noticing the indifference of the European respective representatives, did not try to create convenient conditions. According to art. 39 of the Congress of Berlin, the Albanian owners, etc., that had emigrated, had the right to go back to their former places by a permission of both states and settle, namely, sell their property remained there, or give it on a rent, or find some other form about it.48 However, when the emigrants went there to sell their property, the authorities requested from them to pay for debts and taxes, so that very little or nothing was left after they sold their former property. Accordingly, despite the obligations that were foreseen by the decisions of the Congress of Berlin dealing with the property of the Albanians, Serbia ignored them completely and forced the Albanians to move from their land.  
All the forms of pressure, plundering and ill-treatment of the Albanians who continued to live in their own property, or those who had been expatriated, were exerted by the Serbian regime on purpose of ethnic cleansing and colonisation of their land.  

5. Ethnic Cleansing and Colonisation of Albanian Soil  

As it can be seen, Serbian military actions were part of their strategic planning not only to expand their territory, but also to change the ethnic structure of those regions, always basing themselves on the 'merits for the fatherland'. Many Serbian authors have written on the causes of the expulsion of the Albanians and measures that were undertaken to accelerate this process. One of them, Jovan Hadzivasiljevic, wrote, "The issue of the expulsion of Albanians has not yet been enlightened to the present day, as the Serbian regime forced to expatriate even those Albanians that had not moved out after the wars of 1877-1878, namely after the Congress of Berlin, and those that had returned to their places after the wars ended".49 Also Milicevic, Spasic, Bogdanovic, etc., have expressed similar opinions and their disagreements with the actions of the Serbian regime.  
Nevertheless, J. Hadzivasiljevic found and evidenced the main causes and motives for the expatriation of the Albanians from southern Serbia. According to him, they are the following:  
1. that Serbia should become a nationally clean state;  
2. that Serbia should paralyse the steps of the Sublime Port at the Congress of Berlin, as those steps were taken to return the land that was inhabited by Albanians;  
3. that more convenient possibilities should be created for further actions of Serbia to break out to Kosova, and  
4. that peace and security should be created in those regions.50  
The author adds further that the supreme commander of the Serbian military had in his mind to clean Serbia of the other nations, in order to escape the possibility of forming a state of many peoples, such as was the case with Russia, where Caucasus was formed of many peoples. And the president of Serbian government, M. Pirocanac, wrote, "I am very much afraid of the presence of the Albanians in these regions. I base this fear on their centuries-long experience." He continued with his conclusion that "if we left them here, they would cause us trouble".51  
The Greater Serbian strategy inspired by the doctrinated pan-Slavism of 'Nacertanija' comprises the danger of annexation and assimilation of their neighbours, and the Albanians in particular.  
The idea of ethnic cleansing, as it is seen in the declarations of Serbian higher officials of the time, was a permanent obsession of fear from the multiplication of the Albanians and the high degree of their resistance since 120 years ago. The vacant space that the Albanians left in South Serbia was populated in a systematic way by Serbian inhabitants, who were settled by the Serbian regime during the period 1878-1889 as colonists. People from different places, such as Pirot, NiÅ¡, Montenegro, Novi-Pazar, Kosova, Raska, etc., went there and got settled.52 As it can be seen, ethnic cleansing, as a method of forceful changing of the population structure, for the first time in the Balkans and Europe, was accomplished by Serbia, to the detriment of ethnic Albanians, still in nineteenth century.  
However, the danger from Serbian expansionism was not only felt by the Albanians, who fought through their national movement for creation of ethnic Albania, as a steady factor for the stability and prosperity of the Balkans. This important fact was also pointed out by the English representative in Istanbul, Goschen, in his report sent to the minister of foreign affairs, Grinwille, on 26 July, 1880, "...If a strong Albania were established, the pretext for its occupation by foreign forces on the occasion of collapse of the Ottoman Empire would become very weak. A united Albania would block the passage that remained from the north, and the Balkan Peninsula would remain in the hands and under the rule of the races that live there now... I think that by resolving the question of the Albanian nation, the possibility for a European intervention in the Balkan Peninsula would reduced...53 Unfortunately, this fair and reasonable thought from all possible aspects did not find the required sustenance.  

6. Expulsions - a Consequence of Wars and Border Changes  

By unjust decisions, the Congress of Berlin caused harm to the Albanian question, but also to the Balkan question in general. The solution to problems on ethnic principles was not implemented, but the principle of the interests of great powers and their small satellites in the Balkans was inaugurated. On these basis a bargain on the Albanian land was made. For example, Plava and Gucia, inhabited by Albanians, were handed over to Montenegro as an equivalent value for the regions of Herzegovina, since the Congress recognised sovereignty of Austria-Hungary over Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Albanians defended Plava and Gucia by war, the great powers requested from the Ottoman Empire to move the Albanians from their own hearths and to surrender the territory to Montenegro. But when the Ottoman Empire proposed to the great powers that the aspirations of Montenegro on Plava and Gucia could be paid by Turkish golden liras, England requested that Ulqin should be handed over to Montenegro as an equivalent value, and this became true later.54  
The unjust decisions of the Congress of Berlin caused a wave of great dissatisfactions among the Albanians, and they were followed by a large number of protests, reactions, requests and memoranda that the Albanians addressed to this forum. The Albanians of those regions, subjected to great violence by Montenegrin military and to pillage of their property, were forced to move to Kolasin, Niksic, Shpuza, Podgorica and Zabljak. According to the Austria-Hungarian consul, 955 families with 3,957 members were expelled from Podgorica in 1883; 112 families with 644 members from Shpuza, 40 families with 293 members from Zabljak; 34 families with 166 members from Tivar; 228 families with 1090 members from Niksic; first 38 and later 50 families from Ulqin, and the expulsion of the other inhabitants of this town remained open.55 From the evidence above, it can be seen that only in one year (1883), 7,000 inhabitants were resettled from a part of Albania that was handed over to Montenegro. To face the difficult life, all of these expatriated Albanians were spread out in Shkodra, Lezha and other regions of Albania.  
By the decisions of the Congress of Berlin, the great powers, said briefly, did not recognise the right of the Albanians to create a new autonomous state. On the other hand, they recognised the results of the aggression of the Balkan neighbours on the Albanian land and justified ethnic cleansing of the Albanians of NiÅ¡, Pirot, Leskovac, Kursumlia, Vranje and Tivar, including their environs.  
After this wave of forceful emigration and ethnic cleansing, the space of ethnic Albanians became reduced considerably. Nevertheless, the Albanian regions were relatively peaceful, as far as the resettling of population is concerned, up to 1912. According to statistical evidence and approximate calculations, the ethnic structure of the population in four Albanian vilayets in 1912 (out of the total number of 2,351,200 inhabitants) was as follows: Albanians 1,452,100 or 61.7%; Macedonians 317,000 or 13.5%; Greeks 170,700 or 7,3%; Serbs 163,900 or 6.9%; Turks 130,400 or 5.5%; Wallachs 117,400 or 5.4%, and others 2,200 or 0.1%. The proportion of the Albanian population in comparison to others was different from one vilayet to another. In the Vilayet of Shkodra, the Albanians comprised 98.2%; in the Vilayet of Janina 59.1%; in the Vilayet of Manastir 54.1% and the Vilayet of Kosova, without the Sanjac of Shkup, 79.1% of the population.56  
In 1912, a new epoch of social and political developments was noticed in the Balkans. The Albanian question, as a result of continuous uprisings against the Ottoman Empire, took the central part in those circumstances. It was hoped rightly that finally, all the endeavours, uprisings, battles and sacrifices of the Albanians would be crowned with their freedom and independence.  
After the proclamation of the independence of Albania, more than half of the ethnic Albanian land was occupied by the Balkan allies. Only Serbia and Montenegro invaded a territory of 24,000 km2, and the territory occupied by Greece covered around 8,000 km2. The ethnic structure of these occupied territories was almost entirely Albanian.  
Here we provide evidence of ethnic and religious structure of these regions, according to the census in 1905-1906.57  

1. The Sanjac of Prishtina: 254,605 Albanians of Muslim religion; 110,310 Catholic and Orthodox Albanians, Serbs, Bulgarians and Romanies.  
2. The Sanjac of Peja: 139,901 Muslim Albanians; 45,784 Catholic and Orthodox Albanians, and Serbs.  
3. The Sanjac of Novi-Pazar: 27,980 Muslim Albanians and Turks; 19,795 Christian Albanians and Serbs.  
4. The Sanjac of Shkup: 90,840 Muslim Albanians; 60,706 Catholic Albanians and Serbs.  
5. The Sanjac of Prizren (including the districts of Tetova and Gostivar): 158,742 Muslim Albanians; 15,323 Catholic and Orthodox Albanians; 11,606 Serbs and 473 Romanies.  
6. The Sanjac of Manastir: 457,994 Muslim Albanians and Turks; 264,008 Orthodox Albanians and Wallachs; 198,335 Bulgarians; 55,108 Greeks; 2,760 Romanies; 354 Catholic and Protestant Albanians.  
7. The Vilayet of Janina: 227,484 Muslim Albanians; 213,281 Orthodox Albanians and Wallachs; 91,991 Greeks and 4,906 Jews.


N o t e s  
1. Dr Muhamet Pirraku, Kultura Kombëtare Shqiptare deri në Lidhjen e Prizrennit (Albanian National Culture up to the League of Prizren), Prishtina, 1989, 15.  
 2. Ibid., p. 16.  
 3. Sami Frashëri, Dheshkronjë (Geography), Bucharest, 1886, quoted after Rexhep Qosja, çështja shqiptare -  Historia dhe Politika (Albanian Question - History and Politics), IA, Prishtina, 1994, p. 29.  
 4. Kristo Frashëri, Lidhja Shqiptare e Prizrenit (1878-1881) (The Albanian League of Prizren (1878-1881), I, ASHSH - IH, Tirana, 1989, p. 99.  
 5. R. Qosja, op. cit., p. 27.  
 6. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II), Tirana, 1984, p. 37.  
 7. Quoted after Hamit Kokalari, Kosova djep i shqiptarizmit (Kosova the Cradle of the Albanians), 1962, 87.  
 8. Ibid.  
 9. Ibid., pp. 87-88.  
 10. Ibid., pp. 133-134.  
 11. Ibid., pp. 134.  
 12. Ibid., pp. 135-136.  
 13. Ibid., pp. 136-137.  
 14. Dr Skender Rizaj, Struktura etnike, kombëtare e fetare e popullsisë së Shqipërisë....shpër nguljet e shqiptarëve gjatë shekujve (Ethnic, National and Religious Structure of the Albanian People... Emigrations of Albanians during Centuries), Prishtina, 1992, p. 45.  
 15. Vasa Cubrilovic, Politicki uzroci na Balkanu od 1860-1880 (Political Causes in the Balkans from 1860 to 1880), GGD, So.C VI, Tom XVI, Belgrade, 1930,  p. 43.  
 16. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II), p. 49.  
 17. Ibid.,  p. 50.  
 18. This project presents the programme of Serbian internal and foreign policy, that is why it has been preserved as a document of state secret till 1906, when it was published for the first time in "Delo", book 38, Belgrade; Dr Hakif Bajrami, Ilija Garashanini dhe politika e tij shtetNrore 1844-1874 (Ilija GaraÅ¡anin and His State Policy between 1844-1874), Vjetar (Annual), XIV, AK, Prishtina, 1988,  pp. 103-138.  
 19. Dr  H. Bajrami, op. cit., p. 135.  
 20. Ibid.  
 21. Sadulla Brestovci, Marrëdhëniet shqiptare-sebo-malazeze (1830-1878) (Serbian Albanain-Montenegrin Relationships (1830-1878)), Prishtina, 1983, p. 78.  
 22. R. Qosja, op.cit., p. 35.  
 23. This forged term was met for the first time in the work of the representative of chauvinist ideas of GaraÅ¡anin - M. Ujevic, Voyaje en vielle et vraie, Serbia, Belgrade, 1871-1877.  
 24. Zija Shkodra, Qyteti shqiptar gjatë Rilindjes Kombëtare (The Albanian City during the National Renaissance), Tirana, 1984, p. 28.  
 25. S. Brestovci, op.cit., p. 247.  
 26. Ibid., p. 248.  
 27. Shaban Braha, Gjenocidi serbomadh dhe qëndresa shqiptare, (1844-1990) (Greater Serbian Genocide and Albanian Resistence (1844-1990)), Gjakova, 1991, p. 33.  
 28. Dr Sabit Uka, Dëbimi i shqiptarëve nga Sanxhaku i Nishit, 1877-1888 I. (Expulsion of Albanians from the Sanjac of NiÅ¡,1877-1888, I),. Prishtina, 1994, p. 71.  
 29. Sh. Braha, op.cit., pp. 38-39.  
 30. Dr Sabit Uka, Vendosja dhe pozita e shqiptarëve në Kosovë, 2 (The Settlement and Position of the Albanians in Kosova, 2), Prishtina, 1994, pp. 32-33.  
 31. Dr  Sabit Uka, Dëbimi me dhunë i shqiptarëve nga Sanxhaku i Nishit (1877-1878) (Forceful Expatriation of Albanians from the Sanjac of NiÅ¡ (1877-1878)), Gjenocidi dhe aktet gjenocidale të pushtetit serb ndaj shqiptarëve nga Kriza Lindore e këndej (Genocide and Acts of Genocide of the Serbian Regime on the Albanians from the Eastern Crisis hitherto), Edition of ASHAK, Prishtina, 1995,  p.73.  
 32. Ibid.  
 33. Ibid.,  pp. 73-74.  
 34. Ibid.,  pp. 74-75.  
 35. Nikola P. Ilic, Vojne operacije srpske vojske za oslobodjenje Leskovca od Turaka 1877 godine (Military Actions of Serbian Military for Liberation of Leskovac from the Turks in 1877), quoted after S. Uka, op. cit.  
 36. Dr Skender Rizaj, Gështja e muhaxhirëve (1875-1881) (The Question of Immigrants (1875-1881), Shpërngulja e shqiptarëve gjatë shekujve (Emigrations of Albanians during Centuries),  Prishtina, 1992, p. 156.  
 37. Ibid., pp. 156-157.  
 38. Dr  S. Uka, Dëbimi... (Expulsion...) 1, 109, p. 110.  
 39. Ibid.,  pp. 110-111.  
 40. Ibid., p. 185.  
 41. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II). p. 204.  
 42. R. Qosja, op.cit. p. 49.  
 43. Ibid.  
 44. Dokumente-Marrëdhëniet në mes Gjermanisë dhe Shqipërisë (Documents - Relationships between Germany and Albania), "Bujku", 3/3/1995, 2.  
 45. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albanian, II), p. 215.  
 46. Jovan Ristic, Diplomatksa Istorija Serbije... (1875-1878) (History of Diplomacy of Serbia... (1875-1878)), Book 2, Part 2,, Belgrade, 1898, pp. 256-264.  
 47. Dr S. Uka, Vendosja... 2  (The Settlement..., 2), p. 25.  
 48. Ibid.  
 49. Jovan Hadzivasilevic, Arbanaska liga (The Albanian League), Belgrade, 1909, 11; Dr S. Uka, op.cit. 1, pp. 84-85.  
 50. Ibid., pp. 12.  
 51. Ibid., pp. 12-13.  
 52. Dr  S. Uka, Vendosja... 2 (The Settlement..., 2), 113.  
 53. A report of Goschen addressed to Grinwille on 26/7/1880; E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe shqiptarët në Jugosllavi (The Truth on Kosova and the Albanians in Yugoslavia), Tirana, 1990, p. 221.  
 54. R. Qosja, op.cit. p. 54.  
 55. Sh. Braha, op.cit. p. 53.  
 56. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II). pp. 50-51.  
 57. Nikolla Jorga, Histori e Shkurtër e Shqipërisë (Short History of Albania), Edition in French in 1919, quoted after Historisa e popullit shqiptar për SHM (History of the Albanian People for Secondary Schools), Tirana, 1994, pp. 140-141.


Published by KIC (Kosova Information Center), ©Copyright KIC

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#3 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:44:13

1. Ethnic Structure in the Occupied Regions of Albanians in 1912  

The First Balkan War brought about great changes on the geographic map of the Balkans. The Albanian state was established in less than half of its ethnic territory. The Balkan allies: Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria came out of war with great benefits in territory and population. Bulgaria gained 29% in territory and 3% in population; Greece 68% in territory and 67% in population. It took {amëria and Aegean Macedonia from the Albanian territory; Montenegro gained 62% in territory and 100% in population; and Serbia 82% in territory and 55% in population.1  
From that time the governments of Serbia, Montenegro and Greece made use of all the means and measures available for ethnic cleansing in the occupied regions. According to Turkish statistics, 912,902 inhabitants lived in the Vilayet of Kosova, out of whom 743,040 were Albanians, 53,396 Bulgarians, 106,209 Serbs, 20,009 Jews and 5,043 Romanies.2  
The Serbian military regime organised a census of population for its political and strategic purposes in the occupied territories of the Albanians in 1913. Despite the determined intention for the most possible reduction of the Albanian population, it could not escape the demographic reality. We offer below the evidence of the number of communes, villages and houses, according to ethnic structure, as they figure in the evidence of Serbian military organs:  
1. The District of Jeni-Pazar, including the regions of Jeni-Pazar, Sjenica and Mitrovica, had 45 communes, 571 villages, with 5,398 Serbian houses and 12,287 Albanian and Turkish houses.  
2. The District of Prishtina, including the regions of Prishtina, Vushtria, Gjilan, Llap and Ferizaj, had 71 communes with 628 villages, with 6,787 Serbian houses and 26,288 Albanian houses.  
3. The District of Prizren, including the regions of Prizren, Gjakova, Vranishta, Drin, Istog, Podrimja, Luma and Suhareka, had 118 communes with 463 villages, with a total number of 30,000 houses, the absolute majority of which belonged to the Albanians.3  
Out of the evidence of the census of population organised in March 1913, it can be clearly seen that the population of these regions that were occupied in 1912 was mainly Albanian.  

2. Consequences Resulting from the Conference of London (1913) for Expulsion of Albanians  

On the eve of outburst of the First Balkan War, the Balkan allies knew quite well the position and force of Turkey, that had almost capitulated before the Albanian forces, who took the centre of the Vilayet of Kosova - Shkup (Skopje) at the uprising in the summer of 1912.  
The Balkan allies, being aware that the Albanians and the small forces of Turkish military were not able to confront them, made an agreement by which they planned to partition the Albanian land.  
Despite the military interventions of the Balkan allies, the Albanian patriots who had carried the heaviest burden of the movement for liberation of their homeland, came together in Vlora on 28 November, 1912, and proclaimed Albania an independent state. The National Assembly nominated a temporary government, that engaged a committee to protect the Albanian question before the great powers. The National Assembly of Vlora addressed a telegram to the great powers, in which, among others, was said, "the Albanians that had entered the family of the peoples of Eastern Europe, of whom they feel proud of being the oldest nation, maintain solely one intention: to live in peace with all the Balkan states and become an element of equlibrium."4  
The request of the government of Vlora made a positive echo in the public opinion. The Conference of Ambassadors was convoked in London on 17 December, 1912, under the chairmanship of Edward Grey. In its first session it was decided that Albanian should remain autonomous...5 The Balkan states had to accept the idea of creation of an Albanian state, but they gained the right, as winners, to present their territorial requests to the Conference of Ambassadors. The governments of Balkan allies made their demands for Albanian territories on chauvinist basis.  
The Greek government, apart from the occupation of {amëria, made requests for other Albanian territories. In the list of its requests, the Greek government included the regions of Dukagjin Plain, Kosova and Macedonia; whereas Montenegro, apart from the occupied territories, such as Plava, Gucia and the Dukagjin Plain, wanted Shkodra with its environs and the territory to the river Mat. The Albanian delegation requested that the legitimate right and full independence within its ethnic borders should be recognised to Albania, but the Conference of Ambassadors in London did not accomplish the requests of the Albanians. It took the side of the governments of the Balkan Alliance, whose protector was Russia. As a consequence of these decisions, the Albanian state was formed in less than half of the territory of ethnic Albanians. The Albanian land was partitioned for the second time.  
That the Albanian land was occupied is witnessed by a memorandum in 1920 of a Serbian general, where he said, "The Albanians live in a compact mass from the Adriatic Sea to the old Turkish-Serbian border, and very rarely inhabited by Serbian population... By the proclamation of principle on nationalities (The Declaration of February 1918 of the American President, Woodrow Wilson, on the right to self-determination), the Albanians believed that we and Europe would respect that principle, and they aided to some degree in sending away the Austrian regime. But neither we nor Europe showed any willing to respect the principle. The Albanian leadership in Prizren and Gjakova handed a memorandum on the will of the Albanians to the French officers on passing, but we, on the contrary, invaded new regions that did not belong to us by the Treaty of London (Malësia, Has and Dibra)."6  
The consequences of the London Conference were hard and more than half of its territory was cut off from Albania and awarded to the neighbouring countries. The unjust decisions of the Conference of London were sanctioned by the Conference of Paris in 1919 and 1920.  

3. Territorial Division and Administrative Organisation of Kosova (1912-1941)  

After the occupation of Kosova, in October of 1912, state administrative bodies were established. The Serbian regime established state bodies by military decrees, specially for Kosova, by the 'Law-decree on ruling over and settling the liberated regions', on 27 December, 1912, on which basis executions by fire-arms were anticipated as well.7  
After having been occupied by Serbia, the territory of Kosova was organised in these administrative centres: the districts of Prishtina, Prizren, Novi-Pazar, Kumanova and Shkup. In November 1913, the district of Zveçan was also established with its centre in Mitrovica.8 Out of the territory of Kosova under the Montenegrin occupation up to 1915 were Deçan, Peja and Istog with a part of Drenica. By the Montenegrin military breaking into Dukagjin, state-military-police organs were established. Montenegro, as well as Serbia, organised it territorially and administratively in regions, but similar to the model in Montenegro. Peja was made the centre of it. Every region was administratively divided into 10 captainships, and a captainship was divided into five administrative communes.9  
Montenegro, apart from the genocidal crimes it committed during the First Balkan War, converted more than 1,703 Albanians into the Orthodox religion of the East in the region of Gjakova by March 1913.10 In the region of Peja, another 20 Albanian villages were converted by 22 June, 1913, and 200 persons only in the city of Peja. This genocide continued till 1915, when Montenegro was destroyed in the First World War.  
On 1 December, 1918, the Serbian-Croatian-Slo-venian Kingdom was pro-claimed. Kosova, as far as the territorial aspect is concerned, remained as it had been before the First World War. In 1920, a new territorial organisation of it took place, into these regions: Zveçan, Kosova, Dukagjin, Prizren and Shkup. These regions included 18 districts, 180 communes and 1,439 villages with 549,871 inhabitants.11  
In 1929, the Yugoslav Kingdom made a new territorial organisation in banovinas. The territory of Kosova, according to this new organisation, was divided into three banovinas: the banovinas of Vardar with its centre in Shkup, of Zeta with its centre in Cetinje and of Morava with its centre in NiÅ¡. This partition was done on purpose of exerting more pressure for Albanian expulsion, ethnic cleansing of their land.  

4. Legalisation - Expulsion Through Legal Acts  

In the First Balkan War, Serbian and Montenegrin military, apart from the genocide exerted upon the Albanian population, carried out also their forceful expulsion. Thus in the territories of the Albanians villages were burned down and the frightened population ran away pursued by Serbian military, and those who remained there were shot or sent to concentration camps, such as NiÅ¡ and other places. Only in Prishtina, more than 5,000 Albanians were killed by Serbian military on 22 October, 1912.12  On 27 October, 650 Albanians were sent to the camp in NiÅ¡, and on 30 October, 1912, another 700 of them.13 This genocide continued all the time till 1915, when Serbian military and government moved to Corfu as they were defeated in the First World War.  
During the period between 1912-1915, parallel to expatriation of the Albanians, their land was populated by Serbian colonists: officials, policemen and others. On 20 February, 1914, Serbian government passed the Law-decree on Agrarian Reforms and Colonisation in the occupied regions.14 The minister of Economy and Forestry formed respective bodies for colonisation. That decree was in effect until 1919.  
In the period between 1912-1915, Serbian government colonised the Albanian regions; they took the houses of the Albanians that had been resettled by force; then new colonies were erected, such as the village-colony Tankosic, in the territory of the villages Sllatina, Mirosala, etc. They changed the names of settlements: the town of Ferizaj was named Urosevac (1914). Montenegro acted in a similar way in Dukagjin. The government of Montenegro formed a committee (November, 1912), that was authorised to recognise the ownership of the property to the Albanians only in cases they had papers of more than fifty years ago, verified by the Register (Defterhane) in Istanbul; otherwise their real estate was ordered to get registered as state ownership. The committee was obliged to fix 55,000 acres of land to 5,000 Montenegrins for their colonisation in Dukagjin, by December 1913. On 27 February, 1914, the government passed a law on colonisation of the land 'annexed' to Montenegro, which was in effect until 1915, when Montenegro was destroyed.  
After the end of the First World War and the creation of the Serbian-Croatian-Slovenian Kingdom (SCSK), forceful colonisation in the Albanian land continued. On 25 February, 1919, the government of SCSK passed the Decree 'Preliminary Regulations on Settlement of Agrarian Relations'15 which was in effect until 1931, when 'the Law on Agrarian Reform and Colonisation' was passed. This law intended the colonisation of Kosova, expropriation of the Albanians' ownership, ethnic cleansing, forceful emigration and serbianisation of the Albanian regions.  
Various genocidal measures were used for the expulsion of the Albanians. In the period between 1913-1939, 'flying detachments' of military and policemen acted to punish and massacre the population. From 1918 to 1938, the military burned and destroyed 320 villages with Albanian population. Only between 1918-1921, it killed 12,346 persons, put 22,160 people into prison, plundered 50,515 houses and burned down 6,125 houses.16 These facts and others prove of expropriation, plundering the Albanians and expatriating them from their land, on the basis of discriminating laws and a continuous campaign for their extermination.  

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#4 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:44:35
5. Expulsion of Albanians (1912-1941)  

The forceful expulsion of the Albanians from Kosova, the Sanjac and Macedonia began during the First Balkan War (October, 1912). According to the documents of Serbian diplomacy, 239,807 people were expatriated until March 1914, without accounting the children up to six years old. Albanian families from Kosova, Sanjak and Macedonia were deported through Cavalo of Greece and by the land road to Turkey. This forceful emigration continued. According to the evidence on this matter, the number of the expatriated people amounted to 281,747, without accounting the children up to six years old, till August 1914.17  
In the property of the expatriated families, the government of the Serbian Kingdom settled more than 20,000 Serbian families, and Montenegro planned to colonise 5,000 families.18  
The emigration caused by violence continued also after the end of the First World War and to the Second World War. According to the evidence of Serbian diplomacy, it was a mass forceful expatriation of the Albanians without the right to return, as the following table can show:    

Year  Persons  Year  Persons  
1919  23500  1930  13215  
1920  8532  1931  29807  
1921  24532  1932  6219  
1922  12307  1933  3420  
1923  6389  1934  4500  
1924  9630  1935  9567  
1925  4315  1936  4252  
1926  4012  1937  4234  
1927  5197  1938  7251  
1928  4326  1939  7255  
1929  6219  1940  6729  

  19  Albanians: 215,412  Turks:  27,884  Bosnians from Sanjak:   2,582  Total: 255,878  


A number of Albanians from Kosova emigrated forcefully to the territory of  reduced Albania of 1912. According to military documents of the Yugoslav Kingdom, from the Albanian territories that Serbia occupied, 4,046 Albanian families from Kosova, Macedonia, Sanjac and Montenegro, emigrated to Albania between 1919-1938. The Albanian government settled those families in the environs of Shkodra, Durrës, Kruja, Kavaja, Berat, Saranda, Koplik, Lushnja, Fier, Tirana, Leskovik and Kukës.20 Besides Turkey and Albania, the Albanians had to emigrate forcefully to other countries of Europe and the world too. In this way the Albanian Diaspora was formed in Europe and America.  

6. Colonosation of Kosova (1912-1941)  

The occupying regime, parallel to the expulsion of the Albanians from their land, carried out the colonisation with Serbs and Montenegrins there. During the First Balkan War, after Serbian military massacred and displaced the population, the hordes came and took forcefully the land and houses of the Albanians. After the end of the First World War and the establishment of SCSK, the expulsion of ethnic Albanians from their land and colonisation of it by Slavs continued.  
From 1912 to 1914, Serbia and Montenegro (according to Serbian documentation) plundered 381,245 hectares of land in Kosova and Macedonia. Only in Kosova 228,000 hectares of land were taken for colonists, and it was settled by 15,943 families of colonists.21 Since 1914 Serbian colonies were erected in Kosova. Colonists were settled at many Albanian villages and settlements that had been forced to become vacant. In addition, the colonies and settlements of colonists in Kosova in the period between 1919-1927 are presented in a table.  
These facts indicate clear enough the intention of Serbia for the accomplishment of a Serbian Kosova. On the basis of the evidence provided by Dr Vasa Cubrilovic, 11,273 family houses were built in the territory of Kosova for colonists till 31 December, 1935. However, quite a large number of colonists were settled in the houses of the Albanians that were sent away by force, and a number of Serbian colonists moved into a part of Albanian houses, sharing so the houses with them. That is why it is estimated that 13,938 families of colonists were settled in Kosova.  

Districts  Colonies  New settlements  
Prishtina  24  22  
Llap  20  35  
Vushtrri  15  67  
Gjilan  10  22  
Ferizaj  7  23  
Pejë  11  34  
Drenicë  9  25  
Gjakovë  10  17  
Total  106  245  



Colonisation intended to destroy the Albanian compactness, who comprised more than 75% of the population. In addition to this, Serbia and Montenegro tried to secure calm for themselves by forcing colonisation along the Albanian border and along the main roads. The 'serbianisation' of Kosova continued until 1941. In this way the territory for the Serbian national element was created.23  

7. Anti-Albanian Projects - Genocidal Acts  

The monarchy dictatorship of 6 January, 1929 anticipated, apart from others, extermination of national minorities, particularly the Albanians. The Yugoslav Kingdom intensified the endeavours for ethnic cleansing. This role was taken over by 'The Serbian Cultural Club', that was purported by the whole state administration.24 In the activity of the Club against the Albanians were distinguished Slobodan Jovanovic, Gojko Perina, Orestije Krstic, Dragisa Vasic and Nikola Stojanovic. They were joined by Vasa Cubrilovic with his project 'The Expulsion of Albanians'.  
Cubrilovic (one of the assassins in Sarajevo) engaged himself in the project that state authorities should force all the Albanians to emigrate. He criticised harshly the Serbian regime why it had not exterminated the Albanians entirely as in the time of the Eastern Crisis. He requested that the Albanians should be expatriated forcefully to Turkey or Albania. He gave Anatolia advantage, from where their return was impossible. Cubrilovic proposed details on the manner of expatriation. He emphasised that Muslim masses may come very easily under the influence of religious propaganda. Another device for the implementation of the project was state terror. He insisted that the life of the Albanians should become as difficult as possible by means of laws, creating a situation of anarchy. To accelerate the process of expatriation he proposed an order to be issued for delivering as many arms as possible to colonists.26 Cubrilovic requested to stimulate the old action of chetniks and to instigate the Montenegrins in order to cause conflicts in mass with the Albanians in the Plain of Dukagjin. The conflict should be interpreted as an intention for uprising of the Albanians and be explained as a conflict among Albanian brothers and neighbours. He requested that Serbia should use its military force against the Albanians, accomplishing the most efficient method of 1878, burning secretly Albanian villages and  their quarters in towns.  
All the Albanian regions, according to Cubrilovic, should be colonised without any hesitation. On this purpose, Serbia received international loans in 1880, in order to accomplish the policy of ethnic cleansing without any hindrance. This is a testimony for manipulation with international factors in genocidal actions against the Albanian population. Cubrilovic suggested this form of action as well. In order to accomplish ethnic cleansing of the Albanian element and carry out colonisation, he suggested that all the competencies should be concentrated in the had of the military headquarters. All the plans of actions should be prepared by experts also with the intervention of the Parliament. This indicates that this antihuman action involved all the instances of the Serbian regime and military.  
At the end of his project, Cubrilovic confirmed that the Albanians were impossible to exterminate by forceful emigration and expatriation and gradual colonisation, therefore, "the sole way and device for the expatriation of the Albanians is the brutal force of the state organised machinery... ruining villages by guns, by punishments, imprisonment, application of police brutal measures, cutting their forests, denying their ownership papers, extraloading them with taxes, forbidding them to sell live cattle, and by brutal behaviour with their children and women.27  
Ivo Andric (the later winner of the Noble prize for literature) is the author of the Project on the partition of Albania between  Yugoslavia and Italy. The project was presented on 30 January, 1939. The partition of Albania is requested in it, but as the last resort, as Yugoslavia wanted to occupy it entirely, as its former dream to get access to the Port of Durrës.28 In his project, AndriC describes the Serbian-Greek plan for partition of the Albanian land.  
In the project of Andric it comes out clearly that Serbia was the instigator of discords and intrigues in Albania.29 Accordingly, he requested from the state to avoid an open or secret conflict with Italy, in order to be able to divide Albania between themselves. He insisted also to prevent Italy from invading itself Albania and so from endangering Yugoslavia on the side of Boka Kotorska and Kosova.  
The project of Ivan Vukotic on occupation of Albania, that was submitted to the government of Milan Stojadinovic on 3 February, 1939, is another anti-Albanian project. According to him, Yugoslavia should make a coalition with Italy for partition of Albania.29 Italian fascist circles estimated this project as a Serbian intention to occupy North and Middle Albania. As a justification for partition of Albania, to Vukotic was 'the solution to the economic question of Yugoslavia', as well as the abridgement of more than 300 km the way of Serbia to get to the Adriatic Sea.  
The project of Vukotic had also a strategic component for hegemonist interests of Serbia. He expected that by 'partition of Albania' the possibility for any irredentistic action in Kosova would be cut short. According to Vukotic, 'the ideal partition' of Albania would be the line: Struga-Librazhd-Elbasan-Durrës.30 The projectors of the Serbian policy for partition of Albania made their efforts to copy similar examples in Europe. Vukotic would conclude, 'it is better an Italian window in the Balkans than an Albanian house, where irredentism, Islamism and the influence of Vatican will always keep Serbia mobilised, spending billions for military in vain."31  

8. The Yugoslav-Turkish Convention of 1938 - an Intention for Ethnic Cleansing  

The first state contacts between Yugoslavia and Turkey about the expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey were made in 1926. These contacts produced a new platform in 1933 on the preparation of grounds for general ethnic cleansing.32  
At the Ministry of Agriculture of Yugoslavia was conceptuated the principle: "expatriation of the Albanians can be achieved through a long-term process, since neither Yugoslavia had sufficient funds nor the international circumstances allowed it to be implemented within a short time".33  
The political conceptual activity on preparing the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention took place in Istanbul from 9 June to 11 July, 1938. Eight session were held there. The parties came to an agreement of expatriation of 40,000 Albanian families. The Yugoslav-Turkish Convention was signed on 11 July, 1938, under the condition that it should be in effect after its ratification by the parliaments of both sides.  
In art. 2 of the Convention it was anticipated a complete expatriation to Turkey of the Albanians from the regions of Prizren, Dragash, Podguri, Ferizaj, Tetova, Gostovar, Rostusha, Struga, Prishtina, Kaçanik, Gjilan, Presheva, Prespa, Ohri, Kërçova, Krusheva, Poreç, Manastir, Negotin on Vardar, Shkup, Kumanova, Veles, Ovçepole, Shtip, Koçana, Radovishta, Strumica, Dojran, Gevgelia, Kriva Palanka, Kratova, Carevoselo, Berova, Peja, Istog, Mitrovica, Gjakova, Llap, Vushtria and the region of Drenica.35  
According to this convention, it was foreseen that during the period between 1939-1944 around 400,000 Albanians should be expatriated to Turkey, and they would be settled in the deserts of Anatolia. The expatriation was projected to develop by this dynamism: 4,000 families in 1939; 6,000 families in 1940; 7,000 families in 1941 and 1942, and 8,000 families in 1943 and 1944. It was done so that a family could include up to 250 members. The first ones that should be expatriated were the Albanians of these regions: Peja, Gjakova, Prizren, Kaçanik, Shkup, Tetova, Kumanova, Presheva, Gjilan, Kërçova, Dibra, Ohri, Manastir, Prishtina and Ferizaj. The expatriation should be carried out forcefully.  
The Yugoslav-Turkish Convention on the expatriation of the Albanians to Anatolia is one of the original documents that presents permanent genocide exerted on the Albanian population in general., Although this document was not ratified and implemented in the way it was planned, it had hard consequences for the future of the Albanian population.  

9. Consequences of Expulsion and Colonisation between the Two Word Wars  

The expatriation and assimilation of the Albanians and colonisation of the land of ethnic Albanians by the Serbian hegemonist regime was considered as a Serbian national sacred mission. To accomplish this mission, the Serbian invading regime made use of all possible means, starting from arbitrary laws, killing, burning villages and whole regions, up to forceful conversion of Islamic and Catholic population into the Serbian Orthodox religion.  
As a consequence of the implementation of these measures the relations between ethnic groups became tense, particularly between Albanian villagers and Slavonic colonists that had been settled in their land. Besides many other state measures that were taken, the government organised chetnik bands, such as those of Kosta Pecanac, Milic Krstic, Jovan Babunski, Vasilije Trbic, etc., who organised punishing expeditions exerting violence, terror and organising plunder.  
Mass expropriation of Albanian villagers resulted to great poverty. As a consequence of ethnic cleansing and colonisation of the Albanian land, a significant change of the ethnic structure of population resulted. While the Albanians comprised 90% of population in these regions in 1912, they came down to 70% in 1941.  
This was also the consequence of liquidation of the Albanian leadership and Islamic and Catholic clergymen.  
Settling the Serbs and Montenegrins in the villages and houses of the Albanians and the erection of Serbian colonies in their property had negative influence on their psychological viewpoint and security perspective. The settlement of the Serbs in the whole quarters in cities among Albanians and the life in the proximity of Serbs resulted to emigration of the Albanians and closing elementary religious schools, and that influenced reduction of the educational level of the Albanians.  

 1. Limon Rushiti, Rrethanat politiko-shoqërore në Kosovë 1912-1918 (Political-Social Circumstances in Kosova, 1912-1918), Prishtina, 1986,  p.9.  
 2. ASHRSH, fund MKK. D-7, doc. 707936. Turkish statistics of 1911.  
 3. The Supreme Command of Serbian III Army on 3/IV.1913.  
 4. Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, II (History of Albanians, II), Prishtina, 1968,  p. 352.  
 5. Ibid.,  p. 365.  
 6. Ibid.  
 7. AS. Bgd. Uredba o javnoj bezbednosti u slobodjenim oblastima 1913 (Decree on Public Security in Liberated Regions, 1913).  
 8. AS. Bgd. MPB. P.O.F. 15, r. 143/1913.  
 9. A.C.G. Cetinje, fund of MPB, F-131, doc. 2907.  
 10. ASHCG, Cetinje, fund MPB, Administrative Section, Reports from Gjakova on 26, and 27 January, 1913, file 40, The letter of Peceli sent to Secretary J.VukotiC on 13/04/1913.  
 11. It ought to be underlined that two regions: Luma and Has in the district of Prizren, were a territory of Albania according to the London Conference, nevertheless, the SCSK held it occupied until 1920. (AJ - Belgrade, fund 65, file 28, doc. 189, of  02/02/1919, Prizren)  
 12. Leo Freunderlich, Albanens Golgota... Vien 1913.  
 13. AVII - Bgd. Pop. II, K-10, doc. no. 242, 25/X/1912.  
 14. Dr Milivoje Eric, Agrana reforma u Jugoslaviji 1918-1941 (Agrarian Reform in Yugoslavia, 1918-1941), Sarajevo, 1958,  p. 140.  
 15. Dr M. Obradovic, Agrarna Reforma i kolonizacije na Kosovu 1918-1941(Agrarian reform and Colonisation in Kosova, 1918-1941), Prishtina, 1981,  p. 51.  
 16. AJ. Bgd. fund of MIA. doc. of 1918-1921, A VII Bgd. Pop. II, III, IV, Serbian III Army, A.Q.Sh. Tirana, fund of KMKK -D-32 no. 70881, 21/XII/1921.  
 17. Dokumenti o spolnoj politici Kraljevine Serbije 1903-1914 (Documents on Foreign Policy of the Serbian Kingdom, 1903-1914), Bk. VII, file.1. Belgrade, 1980,  pp. 617-618.  
 18. Dr Branko Babic, Politika Crne Gore u novooslobodjenim krajevima 1912-1914 (The Politics of Montenegro in Newly Liberated Regions, 1912-1914), Titograd, 1984,  pp. 267-277.  
 19. DASIP, fund of Yugoslav Kingdom Legation in Ankara, 1941.  
 20. AVII - Bgd. Pop. XVII, K-95, doc. no. 429.  
 21. The Archives of Yugoslavia, fund Agrarna Reforma i Kolonizacija (Agrarian Reform and Colonization), Belgrade, as well as the Archives of Kosova, Prishtina, in which till 1990, 14,765 family cards, i.e., one for each family had been.  
 22. Djordje Kristic, Kolonizacija Juzne Srbije (Colonisation of South Serbia), Sarajevo 1928, p. 6.  
 23. Dr Milovan Obradovic, Agrarna Reforma i kolonizacija na Kosovu 1918-1941 (Agrarian Reform and Colonisation in Kosova, 1918-1941), Prishtina, 1981.  
 24. Svetozar Privicevic, Diktatuara Kralja Aleksandra (Dictatorship of King Aleksandar), Belgrade, 1983,  p.15, "Srpski glas", no. 8/40.  
 25. Vasa Cubrilovic, Iseljavanje Arnauta (predavanje odrazano u "Srpskom kulturnom klubu" 7.III.1937 (Exulsion of Albanians (Lecture held in 'Serbian Cultural Club on 7/III/1937).  
 26. Ibid.  
 27. Ibid.  
 28. Dr B.Krizman, Elaborat Ivo Andrica o Albaniji (1939) (The Project of Ivo Andric on Albania), Casopis za suvremenu povjest, no. 2, Zagreb 1977,  pp. 77-89.  
 29. AJ. S. 37/39, Ivan Vukotic, O Albaniji i interesne sfere (On Albania and the Spheres of Interest).  
 30. AJ. S. 39, secr. doc. on division of Albania, 1939.  
 31. AJ.37 - Tajni planovi vlade i crkve Svetog Save /39 (Secret Plans of the Government and St. Sava Church /39.  
 32. AJ. S. 67. F.1/17.  
 33. Ibid.  
 34. DASIP. secr. no. 7977, 1939.  
 35. Ibid.,  Art. 2 of the Convention.  


Published by KIC (Kosova Information Center), ©Copyright KIC

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1. Intentions and Actions of Chetniks and Partisans to Expel and Exterminate Albanians  

Serbian and Montenegrin chauvinists made use of the political changes on the eve of the Second World War to expatriate and exterminate as many Albanians as possible. On the occasion of secret and general mobilisation of Yugoslav military, the Albanians were not treated as equal citizens of Yugoslavia. They behaved with the Albanians in the same way as with the enemy. In the first days of the war many Albanian soldiers were killed by Serbian military officers and soldiers.1 Instead of concentrating itself in protection of the borders, Yugoslav military tried to penetrate as deep as possible into the Albanian land.2 Such planning and actions were intended that at a convenient moment they could exterminate as many Albanians as possible and so rarefy that population. The Yugoslav army killed, persecuted and plundered many Albanians, especially those heading some political-national association, such was the case with Sherif Voca, a deputy and well-known patriot, who was killed on 13 April, 1941. Many Albanians were killed in the barracks of Mitrovica, the post of Vushtria, in Gjakova, where soldiers burnt down the villages of Bec, Gërgoc, Radoniq, Janosh, etc. The wave of persecutions and physical exterminations of Albanians involved all the regions of Kosova. It stopped only after the capitulation, namely, after the consolidation of the Italian and German units in Kosova.  
When a part of Kosova was uniting with Albania the chauvinist forces of the Serbs and Montenegrins became disturbed. The government of Nedic, chetniks and communists, openly and secretly, made their efforts to accomplish their plans from long time ago for the ethnic cleansing of Kosova. The government of Nedic requested from Germans to annex the Sanjac of Novi-Pazar, Srem, Eastern Bosnia and Kosova to Serbia.4 It requested from Germans to send away 100,000 Albanians from the district of Mitrovica.5 It concentrated armed forced, chetnik detachments and war refugees on the border on Kosova, directing them to the Albanian land. In this way, parallel to ethnic cleansing and genocide exerted on the Albanians, they caused also an emigration in mass. Chetniks committed unprecedented massacres at Albanian villages bordering on Kosova and Sanjac, and due to this the population was forced to emigrate in mass from Kosova and elsewhere.6  
Chetniks' intentions and plans for extermination of the Albanians during the Second World War were very numerous, and projects were prepared in this direction. One of such projects was prepared by the lawyer from Sarajevo, Stevan Molevic, titled, 'Homogenous Serbia' and was published in 1841. According to this project, which is allegedly based on the ethnic principle, homogenous Serbia would include to the east and south-east - Serbia, Kosova, Macedonia, and being annexed by Vidin in Rumania and Custendil in Bulgaria; to the west - the banovinas of Vrbas, North Dalmatia, Lika, Kordun, Bania and a part of Slovenia; to the south - Montenegro and Herzegovina, including Dubrovnik as well, and the last one would be assigned a special status, and the northern part of Albania, if it would not gain its autonomy.7 Since in a large number of the regions anticipated for homogenous Serbia, practically greater Serbia, the Serbs did not comprise the majority population, in some of them they were even under the minimum, but the Croats, Muslims or Albanians constituted the absolute majority, the project envisaged the emigration of the Croats to Croatia, and of Muslims (the Muslims of Bosnia and Sanjac, and Albanians) to Turkey or Albania. According to Molevic, not only the regions where the Serbs were in majority should be included in the bosom of greater Serbia, but without any exception, all the regions where the Serbs lived, or where Stevan Molevic supposed the Serbs were living, and to him the Macedonians and Montenegrins were considered Serbs, too.8  
The plans of chetniks were based on the project of Stevan Molevic. In their official letters of 1941 was planned: "To create a large Yugoslavia and greater Serbia in it, ethnically clean, within the borders of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Srem and Banat. All the territories should be cleansed from the non-Serbian elements. Serbia should border directly Montenegro and Slovenia, by cleansing Sanjac from the Muslims and Croats."9 The same policy was followed by chetniks in 1942, deepening even more their chauvinist hatred toward non-Serbian peoples, particularly the Albanians.10 To accomplish their intentions they opened concentration camps in that time, at which, besides others, 300 Albanians of the tribe of Kuç were interned, but also of other tribes as well.11  
Chetniks and other Serbian collaborators made their endeavours to accomplish the plans and intentions for greater Serbia and its hegemony, from Salonika to Arad and from Tirana to Split, also in 1943. Informing his Chetnik Supreme Command, Zika Mitrovic, among others, wrote on 28 April, 1943: "On your sign given, we shall depart with arms in our hands in the final clash against all the enemies for sacred Kosova".12 The means for the accomplishment of this intention, were, thus, not hidden. To achieve their aim, chetniks planned genocide in mass. The expulsion of the Albanians and other non-Serbian people was not discussed at all. In an information of the Command of II Chetnik Corpus sent to their commander, Draza Mihajlovic, in the beginning of 1944, they wrote that they would "fight to the end, as it has to do with the name of Kosovar (...), a real war against the Turks and Albanians in general, a war without any compromise to extermination (...)."13 In the same report, the Command of the corpus underlined that its numerical situation depended on the organisation of chetniks based on dissemination of chauvinism against the Albanians and Turks, and such a policy attracted even the 'fans' of communism. This statement was, undoubtedly, true. The Serbian and Montenegrin communists also made use of internationalism as a means to accomplish similar intentions. In such waters fell all the bodies of YCP (Yugoslav Communist Party) and the Yugoslav National-Liberation Army (YNLA) in Kosova. Their attitude in fact did not differ much from the intentions of chetniks, when Kosova was in question. They did not make any difference between the Serbs of Kosova and colonists, who were settled forcefully on the land of ethnic Albanians. Those bodies blamed the Albanians of Kosova for the emigration of the Serbs and Montenegrins, that was not so overwhelming.14  
This shows the hypocritical policy of communists and partisans. Both partisans and chetniks saw the solution of the question of Kosova within Yugoslavia, namely, in greater Serbia. Based on such attitudes, many bodies of YCL and YNLA , as well as chetniks on the border to Kosova awaited openly the amnesty of 25 and 30 August, 1944. After this amnesty, both chetniks, that changed their cockade for the star and Serbian partisans attacked Kosova with their main intention to clean it from the Albanian element.  
The ethnic cleansing of Kosova and other regions of ethnic Albanians occupied by Yugoslavia became harsher in the period from October 1944 to July 1945, justifying it allegedly as a fight against 'counterrevolution' and its remnants. It began in peripheral zones, but it spread quickly in the whole regions of the Albanians. In such organised operations several divisions with an effective of 40,000 soldiers took part.15 These military actions, apart from other forms, were led by a new anti-Albanian project of Vasa Cubrilovic, 'The Problem of Minorities in New Yugoslavia', on 3 November, 1944. In his project, Cubrilovic admits the fact that the Serbs gained one part of the territories with alien population after the First World War, namely, after the Serbian-Croatian-Slovenian Kingdom (Yugoslavia) was established in 1918,16  and they became dangerous to Yugoslavia, not because of their counterweigh to Slavonic peoples, but because of the territories where they live and geographical continuation that these territories have with their motherlands - i.e., due to political and strategic reasons.17  
Vasa Cubrilovic proposed before the highest leadership of YNLW and YNLA, without any hesitation, expatriation of millions of people in mass, as, according to him, "the sole fair solution to this question is expatriation of these minorities". As his purport and example for such an action he took the action of the Third Reich and expulsions and colonisation of peoples in Europe. According to him, such an action would be approved by the Yugoslav allies, after they were persuaded that minorities were to blame for millions of Slavonic victims during the Second World War (sic!).  
Based on the spirit of this project, the author suggested that they should not wait long for the allies to agree, as it was the last chance for the accomplishment of that intention, but "the people that made decisions on the fate of our people" should be persuaded of this, and according to Cubrilovic, they were the leadership of YCP and YNLW, headed by Josip Broz Tito.19  
The author of the project foresaw and proposed its accomplishment in details. He proposed that first the Germans should be expatriated, then the Hungarians, Albanians, Italians, Rumunias... Although the Albanians were the first ones on the target of expatriation, this process should not begin with them, not due to good relations between the Albanian National-Liberation War and YNLA, but owing to the risk of a conflict between the two countries. That is why Vasa Cubrilovic advised to act with great caution and tactics during the expatriation of the Albanians. This would not mean that the Serbs and Montenegrins were merciful to Albanians or that the latter ought to be saved. Whereas it was spoken in general of the expatriation of other nationalities, the Albanians and their territories were specified and it seemed as if the project was intended particularly to them.20  
Both the Albanians and other nationalities, in the project 'The Problem of Minorities in New Yugoslavia" were preferred to be forced to emigrate first from the regions ethnically clean, and then from the mixed areas, as ethnic postblocks were more dangerous, according to the author.21  
For the accomplishment of his project, Cubrilovic anticipated the time as well, that is undoubtedly from the arsenal of the outstanding Machiavelists, racists and genocide-lovers. According to him, the most convenient time for efficient expulsion was war, therefore, the best expulsion was the physical and complete extermination of the people. According to Cubrilovic, military had the decisive role, that is why he proposed that a special section of this question should be formed in the General Command of YNLA. If complete physical extermination would not be successful, he anticipated additional measures, such as: denying all the rights to them, opening concentration camps, plundering their ownership, extermination of intelligentsia and social healthy classes, and then urgent colonisation of these regions with Slavonic elements.22  
Cubrilovic was aware at that time that funds, and trustworthy persons were needed for its accomplishment, but also an organisation at an institutional level. That is why he proposed formation of a special ministry, or at least, a commissariat within the Ministry of Agriculture, as it had experience in such things since the time of the Yugoslav Kingdom. Except for these measures, Cubrilovic proposed that national-liberation committees should be formed from the lowest to the highest instances, and colonists should be selected out of the best warriors, and possibly the Serbs and Montenegrins that had not been colonists before that. The carriers of this mission, according to Cubrilovic, should be provided with high wages, more privileged posts and high status in the society.23 The author has no doubt about the success of the project. He said that news had come from the regions where war operations took place "our people's masses have dealt unmercifully with small national minorities who were against us in this war. This enthusiasm of the population (that was characteristic for attacks, hatred and revenge, editor's remark) ought to be channelled as soon as possible..."24  
The armed units of YNLA in Kosova and Macedonia, but also in other areas of ethnic Albanians, acted in their operation as if they had read the project of Cubrilovic. That is why the reply of military officials was not accidental saying that "we have the order to kill 50% of the Albanians".25 This is documented also by the cynic reply of Macedonian commanders, when a group of Albanian patriots protested against the arrest of 10,000 people and the punishment of 1,200 of them without any court procedure in Tetova, saying "this is nothing, it is a cleaning". This was strengthened by the decisive order of Svetozar Vukmanovic - Tempo, "Clean fast the ones that you have to clean".26  
Based on the chauvinist and extermination position of chetniks, as well as on the action of many leaders and units of YNLA towards the Albanian population, the crimes and massacres in Kosova and other regions of ethnic Albanians were enormous. According to approximate evidence, above 47,300 Albanians were exterminated, in the areas of ethnic Albanians occupied by Yugoslavia, between 1941 and 1945.27  Such extermination, naturally, made these regions significantly vacant, and that was the intention of Serbian chauvinists who made the Slavonic colonisation possible, opening a new path for such a process. Except this, the exterminations and reprisals of such a nature, that did not stop even in the years after the war, influenced greatly further emigration of the Albanians.  

2. Forms and Ways of Pressure on Purpose of Expulsion and Assimilation  

After the end of the Second World War, the Albanians of Kosova and other parts in Yugoslavia, not only were prevented to unite with Albania, as they had declared at Bujan Conference, but they were re-invaded and partitioned into four federal units of Yugoslavia, in Kosova, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro.28  
The Serbian regime since the time of the occupation (November, 1944) and annexation of Kosova (July, 1945), continuously implemented a policy and propaganda prepared much earlier and based on greater Serbian projects, assimilation and physical extermination of the Albanians. The Albanians felt the annexation of Kosova to Serbia as the negation of their war and betrayal of the leadership of NLW to them. That is why they began to organise themselves in illegal groups and organisations and develope political activity and offered resistance even with arms. Due to persecutions, terror, violence and genocide exerted on them, many Albanians, between 3000 - 4000 people,29 were forced to flee abroad, particularly the members of political and democratic organisations and groups with western orientation that did not accept the new slavery in Kosova. They were directed to western countries through Greece and Italy, and there they continued their patriotic activity. The expulsion of the Albanians from Kosova was caused by the anti-Albanian official policy. In this way, the issue of Kosova, of its independence, political and state status, created new dissatisfactions of the Albanians that had fought for self-determination.  
Socialist Yugoslavia and Serbia continued the war against the Albanians by putting them into prison, arresting, isolating, persecuting, and by physical extermination and sending them away from their hearths. The Resolution of Informative Bureau (1948) was used as a pretext to put many Albanian intellectuals and political leaders into prison and liquidate them, accusing them as spies of Albania. On this occasion, 436 Albanians were imprisoned, and the pressure on them continued in other forms too, such as: closing schools in the Albanian language, employing only the Serbs in administration, nationalisation, colonisation, forbidding the use of their national flag, closing their cultural institutions, etc. Another form of pressure against the Albanians was exerted on the occasion of the census of population in 1953, changing even their national identity, and forcing them to declare themselves as Turks.30  
The expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey was perpetrated by methods of pressure. The harshest form of pressure on purpose of expulsion of the Albanians was the action of collecting arms during the period between 1955-56, organised by the government and accomplished by state security organs. During this action, 22,048 personal files were opened, including the files of the officials of state bodies. Against a large number of the Albanians measures of persecutions and eavesdropping police treatments were carried out. Under the pretext of searching for arms, the state security organs tortured around 30,000 Albanians. Some 100 persons died because of tortures.31  
Another form of a drastic pressure exerted on the Albanians was fabrication of false court processes, and punishment of illegal groups and organisations on political grounds. Thus, in 1956, at the time of the action of searching for arms and expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey, 'the process of Prizren' was fabricated, by which it was intended to frighten the people through disqualification of the Albanian political leadership and compromising of intellectuals.  
Distrust and suspicion in intelligentsia were regular forms of pressure on the Albanians. In the organs of state security the persons that bought the daily paper 'Rilindja' were evidenced, which was published by the Socialist Alliance (a mass organisation formed by the communists on power). It was the only newspaper in the Albanian language. The Albanians were permanently treated as a distrustful element by the State Security of Kosova. In the 'Handbook of UDB' (state security), all the Albaian population was considered enemy in 1957. On this basis UDB opened above 170,000 personal files. Among them there were four members of the Central Committee of YCL, 16 members of the Provincial Committee of Communists, a large number of political-social personalities, starting from secretaries of working enterprises to deputies of all the levels of assemblies.32  
All this anti-Albanian action that was based on violence and terror was an institutionalised form of the Serbian regime with the intention to force the Albanians to expatriate and to commit their extermination.  

3. The Turkish-Yugoslav "Gentlemen's" Agreement in 1953  

The agreement on friendship and co-operation between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey, signed in Ankara on 28 February, 1953, became known as a Balkan Treaty. The agreement contained ten points and took a military character, but without influence and obligation, that resulted from the North Atlantic Contract of 4 April, 1949, dealing with Turkey and Greece. Its fourth point foresaw conclusion of new agreements and formation of the bodies for their application and solution to economic, technical and cultural problems.33 Based on this agreement, common parliamentary groups were formed and they visited Turkey and Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia wanted to establish as closer links as possible with Turkey in order to expatriate the Albanians from Kosova. The links should be established by activating the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention of 1938 on the expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey. First of all, Yugoslavia ought to fulfil some financial obligations of the Convention that amounted to 90 million dollars. Turkey was interested in reactivating this Convention. It was interested to use the Albanians  in its war against Curds, settling them on their border.  
The question of expatriation of the Albanians was instigated by Yugoslavia through the Turkish press. At the end of 1952, numerous talks were held on the agreement between Yugoslavia and Turkey. Agreements on trade, floating, air traffic, and many other matters were concluded during 1953. In this spirit of collaboration between them the "Gentleman's" Agreement between Yugoslavia and Turkey was signed.34  
In case of a future Balkan conflict this agreement intended to secure the Turkish friendship to Yugoslavia. On the other hand, emptying Kosova and other regions of ethnic Albanians by means of this convention, the danger on the part of the Albanians that requested financial compensation from Yugoslavia, as well as from the funds provided for refugees and others that had resettled, could be reduced. Turkey had also its needs to populate its large vacant regions. The Government of Turkey requested from the Government of Yugoslavia, on 4 October, 1951, to fulfil the Convention of 1938. It requested that before the accomplishment of various agreements began, Yugoslavia should fulfil its financial obligations. Due to them, Tito invited the Turkish foreign minister, Fuad Khprili, to visit Yugoslavia. At a lunch organised on that occasion in Split, at the end of January 1953, an agreement on the requests of both parties was worked out, and it was to the detriment of the Albanian population. They did not sign anything on this occasion, and that is why it was called 'Gentleman's Agreement'. By this convention Tito could accomplish the dreams of the Serbs by expatriating of the Albanians from Kosova, and Turkey would obtain vital inhabitants and financial funds.  
The obligations of expatriation of the Albanians from Yugoslavia had to be fulfilled as soon as possible, since at the very beginning Turkey asked for expatriation of 250,000 inhabitants, out of a million inhabitants that were anticipated to be resettled. In the official statement issued on 29 January, 1953 on the talks in Split, neither delegation mentioned the convention and refereed to parliamentary collaboration and the question of the Balkan Treaty.35  
At the population census of Yugoslavia in 1953 many Albanians were forced to declare themselves Turks. This self-declaration would save Yugoslavia and Turkey from public reactions to expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey. An it happened so. Almost 260,000 Albanians declared themselves Turks.  

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#6 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:45:41
4. Expatriation of Albanians to Turkey (1944-1966)  

 At the end of 1944 and beginning of 1945, seeing that they had been betrayed, the Albanians began to escape in mass to mountains.36 The government bodies made use of such actions of the majority population of the Albanians in Kosova and justified every persecution of any Albanian that opposed reoccupation by Yugoslavia. Due to this, military courts were very busy with Albanians, and arrests, imprisonment, killing of the Albanians became a daily phenomenon. Serbia intended to empty these territories as soon as possible, or at least to leave as few Albanians as possible.  
One of the most efficient methods to accomplish such a policy in Kosova against the Albanians after they had been occupied by the detachments of YNLA, and especially after the establishment of military administration, was forceful mobilisation. In that time, 50,000 Albanians were mobilised in Kosova. When one bears in mind the number of those that were held in prisons or in exile, thousands lost and killed, it can be seen that Kosova had remained without the required forces to defend itself. In these circumstances, the Yugoslav regime intended to create conditions that colonisation should take place in the regions of ethnic Albanians. Confiscation of real estate, requisition, nationalisation and 'solidarity aids' that were implemented by force and that intended to knee down the people economically, in addition to perpertration of repression influenced the expulsion of the Albanians from their homeland. These measures of the Yugoslav regime were directed to the Albanians only; the Serbs and Montenegrins were saved. The opponents of the YCP were in the most difficult position, and also those with western democratic viewpoint, that were deported from Kosova, and their movable property and real estate was confiscated. Their families were forced to leave the country too. As a consequence of such an attitude, the Albanians had to emigrate to Turkey, or Albania, or elsewhere.  
Recolonisation of Kosova by the Serbs and Montenegrins in the spring of 1945, as well as the Law on the revision of agrarian reform worsened further the economic position of the Albanians. A part of the land of Albanian farmers was given to colonists. The interest of colonists to usurp the Albanians' land was great. Only in 1945, 10,054 families applied for it, who could get up to 5 hectares of the land of Albanian farmers.37  
Forceful collectivisation of a part of farming land in Kosova, then mistreatments and perfidious abuse of the Albanians by the Serbs, touched deeply the national tradition and dignity of the Albanians.  
The Law on five-year plan (1947-1951) was also in the function of expulsion of the Albanians. This plan provided more accelerated economic development for the undeveloped republics of Yugoslavia (Bosnia, Macedonia, Montenegro), in order to smooth down the existing economic differences, but it left Kosova on the side, despite its being the most undeveloped region in Yugoslavia and its having a great economic and natural potential. Apart from this, the largest part of the plan in Kosova was anticipated to be implemented by 'voluntary' work, such as: to construct and renovate and restore houses of colonists, to till the soil for them, to provide them with food, etc. Therefore, not only that the regime did not invest anything, but it also worsened the lives of the people here by such measures.38  
The Yugoslav regime, parallel to violence and economic kneeling, attacked deeply the national feelings of the Albanians, their past and historical tradition. Very few schools and educational and cultural institutions were opened for the Albanians and the origin of the Albanian population was denied.39  
In conformity with the intentions of unitary national-chauvinist policy, State Security perpetrated great repression in order that as many as possible Albanians should declare themselves as members of Turkish nationality. Before this action, 1,315 inhabitants of Turkish nationality were recorded in Kosova in the census of 1948, and 97,954 inhabitants in Yugoslavia. However, according to the census of 1953 the number of Turks in Kosova amounted to 34,583 and 259,535 in Yugoslavia.40 The Albanians that opposed to this policy ended in prisons or were forced to leave the country. Thus, during 1953, as a result of this repression, 37,000 Albanians emigrated to Turkey.41 In 1953 the Yugoslav regime 'took care' of creating special administrative 'facilities' for the Albanians wanting to emigrate to Turkey, no matter whether they had declared themselves Turks or not. According to official evidence, 19,300 Albanians were expatriated in 1953, and 17,500 others in 1954.42  
To achieve the emigration of the Albanians to Turkey in great mass, the first condition was to create a psychosis of unbearable life. The state machinery exerted pressure of various forms on the Albanians, such as arrests, persecutions, inhuman tortures, physical exterminations, etc. The organs of State Security made use of the action of searching for arms in order to accelerate the expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey.  
This punishing activity of the organs of State Security and other organs of the regime, was expressed drastically in the field of culture and education too. The government took measures to close down middle schools in the Albanian language, to reduce the net of elementary schools and to close the sole scientific institution, the Institute of Albanology in Prishtina.  
Here is the table of the expatriation of the Albanians during the period 1952-1965.45  

Year  No. of persons  Year  No. of persons  
1952  37000  1959  32000  
1953  17300  1960  27980  
1954  17500  1961  31910  
1955  51000  1962  15910  
1956  54000  1963  25720  
1957  57710  1964  21530  
1958  41300  1965  19821  



The expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey continued also in the period between 1955-1957. In this period, from Kosova and other regions of ethnic Albanians in Yugoslavia emigrated 16,200 Albanians to Turkey.43  
In 1958, around 41,300 Albanians were sent away to Turkey, and the year after it another 32,000. According to official evidence of Yugoslavia, 27,980 Albanians emigrated from Kosova to Turkey in 1960.44 The expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey amounted to 115,000 in the period between 196-1965.  
The process of expatriation of the Albanians from Kosova and other regions of ethnic Albanians was replaced by the so-called economic emigration in the political circumstances created in Yugoslavia after the Plenum of Brione.  

5. Serbian and Yugoslav Policy of Segregation and Apartheid (1981-1989)  

Dissatisfied with the position of the subjugated, the Albanian students and youth organised demonstrations in 1981 with the main mobilising slogan - Kosova Republic. The whole Albanian population joined the youth and students.  
The Yugoslav leadership valued that the demonstrations organised by the Albanian students and youth, as well as the slogans used in them "threatened the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia".46 In order that whole Yugoslavia should fight against the right requests of the Albanian people, "The Political Platform on the action of YCL for socialist self-management, unity and brotherhood and common life in Kosova" was compiled and approved.47 This document with greater Serbian intentions was supported by the other republics and the leadership of the Communist League of Kosova. The Platform requested that the Albanians should break the cultural and scientific relations with Albania, abandon their national aspirations, and the request for the Republic of Kosova was evaluated as a reactionary one that intended to destroy Yugoslavia and unite Kosova with Albania.48 Due to this reason, state organs of Kosova, Serbia and Yugoslavia were requested to undertake measures for reduction of curricula of history, literature and other social subjects taught at schools.49 To apply this Platform, the mobilisation of all political-social organisations and state structures was requested. In this way began the isolation of Kosova within Yugoslavia and in relation to the world too.  
The first attacks were organised against the institutions of national character, such as University of Prishtina, Institute of History, Institute of Albanology, National University Library, then mass media, museums, secondary schools, elementary schools and even kindergartens, cultural and professional associations and many other organisations.  
The first attacks of Serbia, that took the character of segregation and apartheid, were provoked on the shops of Albanians and individuals in Serbia in 1981. In Pozarevac, in Serbia, an Albanian child was taken out his eyes by civilian Serbs. Many physical attacks and ill-treatments were organised, by both Serbian individuals and state bodies, particularly in Belgrade, Kragujevac, Pozarevac, Paracin, NiS and other cities, where Albanians lived.50 Since that time, Serbia began to apply open segregation, seeking only clean institutions consisting of Serbian workers alone, such as schools, cinemas, theatres, cafJs, hotels, even kindergartens, sports fields,  swimming pools, etc. To implement the intentions for segregation and discrimination, Serbia applied the policy of apartheid. It passed laws to rule over the Albanian majority, depriving them of their political and citizen rights, human rights, freedom of movement, living, jobs, juridical and social protection.  
In the period of ten years (1981-1990), more than 1,100 Albanian soldiers were sentenced to many years of prison in political fabricated processes, and 63 Albanian soldiers were killed in the Yugoslav Army.  
The Assembly of Serbia approved some changes to the Penal Law of Serbia, in 1986, by which new delinquencies were incriminated for pursuing the Albanians, as if for the penal-legal protection of the Serbian people in Kosova. Such actions were: violation of citizens' equality, violation of the equal use of language and script, violations that threatened the rights and liberties of members of other nations, and threats of security of citizens of other nationalities, attacking the sexual freedom too. These had only one political and legal intention - to exert persecution and repression on the Albanians.  
The Serbian regime treated Albanian peaceful demonstrations, requests, political manifestations as severe political acts, but also the cultural and scientific works of the Albanians. In this way, 3,348 Albanians were sentenced by civilian and military courts. In the period between 1981-1990 Serbian police and military killed 183 Albanians by fire arms, 16 of whom were children, and 616 Albanians were wounded by fire arms, 49 of whom were children.51 The former Yugoslav National Army (YNA) organised killing of Albanian soldiers in Paracin and gave the action a political character so that the Albanian soldiers could be treated as badly as possible by military and police organs of Serbia, that had the absolute majority in YNA.  
In 1981, Serbia isolated Albanian intellectuals and kept them in prison for several months. The isolation of Albanian intellectuals took place in 1989, when the most draconic measures of torture and repression against 254 Albanian intellectuals were taken, and they were sent to prisons in Vranje, Leskovac, Prokuplje and Belgrade.  
The police of Kosova and Serbia had worked out files for 600,000 Albanians; it means that every third Albanian was called to the police. Further on, both in Yugoslav regions of the Albanians and in Kosova around 100,000 Albanians were dismissed from work until 1989.52  

6. The Memorandum of Serbian Academy - a Platform on Expulsion of Albanians  

Expatriation of the Albanians by force from Kosova and their ethnic land has remained the chief intention of Serbian hegemonic policy. Parallel to state organisms, Serbian academicians of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Serbia compiled projects on ethnic cleansing of the Albanians' land. In 1986, the Serbian Academy, that has always been in service of hegemonic politics of Serbian nationalists, compiled the Memorandum on the political, economic and constitutional position of Serbia in the former Yugoslav federation. The Memorandum did not leave aside Kosova either.53  
The Memorandum is penetrated by wild hatred and falsifications of the past and present time of the Albanians.  
The Memorandum, which became the national programme of Serbia, deals with the engagement for creation of a greater Serbia. Serbia is presented as 'threatened and harmed' by the Constitution of 1974. By such constructions, mobilisation of the population for destroying the autonomies of Kosova and Vojvodina and the establishment of Serbian hegemony in former Yugoslavia was aimed at. The principal thesis of the Memorandum was the allegedly degrading and inferior, unequal and discriminated position of the Serbian people in Yugoslavia.54 Serbian academicians manipulated with the figures of the Serbs migrated from Kosova, although according to the Serbian scientist, Cvijic, there have never been more than 5% Serbs in Kosova.55 The structure of population changed after 1912, after the occupation of Kosova by Serbia and its colonisation. According to the census in 1948, there were 170,000 Serbs, or 18.9%, in Kosova, and in 1981 there were 209,488 Serbs, or 13.2%.56 Accordingly, there was no migration of the Serbs from Kosova, much the less, when it is known that Serbia controlled the whole policy in Kosova.  
These manipulations from the arsenal of greater Serbian politics, based on fine fabrications, try to justify their policy of colonisation and denationalisation in Kosova, by means of their propagandistic machinery. Serbian propagandistic machinery, attempting to alarm the opinion, goes to its absurdity, confirming that "Kosova will not have any Serb in ten years".57 The Serbian official policy, led by the spirit of the memorandum of the ASAS, requested the destruction of the federal system of Yugoslavia established by the Constitution of 1974. The processes proceeding in Kosova after 1966 made the accomplishment of independence of Kosova possible to a certain degree. The Memorandum of Serbian academicians treated the process of the independence of Kosova as its Albanisation.58 They requested that Kosova should be deprived of all the rights to and possibilities for constitutional, juridical, economic and cultural-educational self-organisation, by all possible means. This practically took place in 1990, after the Serbian attacks against Kosova.  


 1. Dr Ali Hadri, Politika Narodnog fronta i Aprilski odbrambeni rat 1941. godine na Kosovu i Metohiji,(The Policy of National Front and April Defensive War in 1941 in Kosova and Metohia), Bulletin of Faculty of Philosophy in Prishtina, V,  p. 440.  
 2. Dr Ali Hadri, Lëvizja Nacionalçlirimtare në Kosovë 1941-1945 (Nationa-Liberation War in Kosova, 1941-1945), Prishtina, 1971,  p. 80.  
 3. The Archives of the Military Historic Institute in Belgrade (further AMIB), fund of Treca armijska oblast (III Army Zone), card No. 4, doc. No. 10.  
 4. Milan Borkovic, Milan Nedic, Centar za informacije i publicitet, Zagreb, 1985,  p. 229.  
 5. Mitrovica dhe rrethina (Mitrovica and Its Environs), Mitrovica, 1979,  p. 270.  
 6. The Archives of Kosova, Archives of Provincial Committe of YCP for Kosova and Metohia in Prishtina (further AK, APC of YCP for  KM), card no. 5, reg. no. 220; Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o NOR-u i revoluciji, I&19 (Bulletin of documents and evidence on NLW in Revolution, 1&9), doc. no. 3; Pavle Jovicevic, Kosovo i Metohija i odluke II zasedanja AVNOJ-a (Kosova and Metohia and Decisions of II Session of AVNOY), Sloboda, novembar, 1944.  
 7. Rexhep Qosja, {ështje shqiptare, historia dhe politika (Albanian Question, History and Politics), Institute of  Albanology, Prishtina, 1994,  p. 171.  
 8. Ibid.  
 9. Gojko Medenica, Cetnicki pokret na Kosovu i Metohiji u vreme II svetskog rata (The Movement of Chetniks in Kosova and Metohia during World War II), Godisnjak - Vjetari (Annual), no. X-XI, Archives of Kosova, Prishtina, 1979,  pp. 374-375.  
 10. The Archives of Central Committe of the Yugoslav Communist League in Belgrade (further Archives of CC of YCL), 1942,  p. 328.  
 11. Archives of CC of YCL, fund of Communist Internationale, 1942, p.122.  
 12. Archives of CC of YCL, fund of CC YCL, 1943,  p. III.  
 13. The archives of Historic Institute of Kosova, microfilms e AMIB, fund of Archives of Chetniks, C-V-17099.  
 14. AK, APC of YCP for KM, fund of Regional Committees, card no. 15. reg. no. 557.  
 15. Dr Ali Hadri, Këshillat Nacionalçlirimtare në Kosovë (National-Liberation Councils in Kosova), Prishtina, 1974, p. 168.  
 16. Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe shqiptarët në Jugosllavi (The Truth on Kosova and the Albanians in Yugoslavia), Tirana, 1990, pp. 546-555.  
 17. As note 7,  p. 174.  
 18. As note 16.  
 19. Ibid.  
 20. Ibid.  
 21. Ibid.  
 22. Ibid.  
 23. Ibid.  
 24. Ibid.  
 25. AK, APC of YCL for KM, card no. 10/29, doc. no. 1305.  
 26. Lefter Nasi, Tetë muaj nga historia e popullsisë shqiptare në Jugosllavi (nëntor 1944 - korrik 1945) (Eight Months of the History of the Albanians in Yugoslavia (November 1944 - July 1945)), Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe shqiptarët në Jugosllavi (The Truth on Kosova and the Albanians in Yugoslavia), Tirana, 1990,  p. 417.  
 27. Tahir Zajmi, Lidhja e Dytë e Prizrenit (The Second League of Prizren), Bruxelles, 1964, p. 93.  
 28. Historia e Popullit Shqiptar (History of Albanians), Tirana, 1994,  p. 221.  
 29. Sinan Hasani, Kosovo, istine i zablude (Kosova, Thruths and Errors), Zagreb, 1986, p. 130.  
 30. Historia e Popullit Shqiptar (History of Albanians), Tirana, 1994, p. 234.  
 31. Ibid., p. 235.  
 32. Ibid.  
 33. Official Registar of FNRY, no. 12. Belgrade, 1953.  
 34. Dr Fehmi Pushkolli, Shpërnguljet e shqiptarëve në Turqi dhe Marrëveshjet jugosllave-turke (Expatriation of Albanians to Turkey and Yugoslav-Turkish Conventions), Fjala, March, 1994.  
 35. Ibid.  
 36. Dr Izber Hoti, Format dhe mënyrat e pushtimit dhe të nënshtrimit të Kosovës në fund të vitit 1944 dhe fillim të vitit 1945 (Forms and Ways of Invasion and Subjugation of Kosova at the End of 1944 and Beginning of 1945), "Bujku", 6/II/ 1995.  
 37. Dr Milovan Obradovic, Poljopriveda Kosova 1944-1953 (Agriculture of Kosova in 1945), "Kosova", no. 16, Prishtina, 1987,  pp. 249-250.  
 38. Dr Fehmi Pushkolli, Fronti Popullor - Lidhja Socialiste e Kosovës (1935-1975) (National Front - Social Alliance of Kosova (1935-1975), Prishtina, 1983,  pp. 154-155.  
 39. Dr Sulltane Kojqini - Ukaj, Format e diskriminimit e të gjenocidit të politikës së shtetit serb në vitet e pasluftës (Forms of Discrimination and Genocide of Serbian Regime Policy in the Post-war Years), "Shkëndija", September, 1994.  
 40. Ferit Shehu, Sevdije Shehu, Pastrimet etnike të trojeve shqiptare 1953-1957 (Ethnic Cleansing of Albanian Regions, 1953-1957), Prishtina, 1994,  p. 24.  
 41. Albanian Newspaper in Istanbul "Besa" (1950-1974).  
 42. Jusuf Kelmendi, Plenumi i KK të LKJ të Kosovës më 1971 (The Plenum of CC YCL of Kosova in 1971).  
 43. Zamir Shtylla, Shpërngulja e shqiptarëve në Jugosllavi pas Luftës së Dytë Botërore 1950-1966, E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe shqiptarët në Jugosllavi (Expulsion of Albanians from Yugoslavia after World War II, 1950-1966; The Truth on Kosova and the Albanians in Yugoslavia), Tirana, 1990,  p. 442.  
 44. VUS, Zagreb, 7/VI/1971.  
 45. As note 40.  
 46. Ibid.,  p.216.  
 47. Platformë politike për aksionin e LKJ në zhvillimin e vetëqeverisjes socialiste, të bashkimit e vëllazërimit dhe të bashkësisë në Kosovë (Political Platform on the Action of YCL in the Development of Socialist Selfmanagement, Unity and Brotherhood and Common Life in Kosova), Belgrade, 1982,  pp.5-6.  
 48. Ibid.  
 49. Ibid.  
 50. As note  46,  p. 217.  
 51. Mr. Xhemajl Ademaj, Ndjekja dhe politika ndëshkrimore për delikte politike në Kosovë në periudhën 1981-1990 (Persecutions and Punishing Policy for Political Delicts in Kosova in the Period 1981-1990), Bota e Re, Prishtina, 1995.  
 52. Dr Esat Stavileci, Largimi nga puna i punëtorëve shqiptarë (Dismissal of Albanian Workers from Work), Përparimi, 1991,  p.25.  
 53. Milorad Vucelic, Da li je Memorandum srpski nacionalni program (Is Memorandum a Serbian National Programme), "Duga", June, 1989,  p.6.  
 54. Memorandum of ASAS, Belgrade, 1986, published by "Duga", June, 1989,  p. 39.  
 55. Jovan Cvijic, Balkansko poluostrvo (Balkan Peninsula), Belgrade 1966,  p. 469.  
 56. Nacionalni sastav stanovnistva po opstinama, konacni rezultati (National Structure of Population in Communes, Final Results) , Statisticki Bilten -1295, Belgrade, 1982.  
 57. As notes  55, 57.  
 58. Ibid.


Published by KIC (Kosova Information Center), ©Copyright KIC

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#7 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:46:11

1. Destroying Kosova Autonomy - an Instigation for Emigration of Albanians  

By the Constitution of Yugoslavia and the Constitution of Kosova, approved in 1974, the autonomy of Kosova was advanced to a higher degree of sovereignty and Kosova became one of eight constituent subjects of Yugoslav Federation. Serbia was not satisfied with this, and in 1976 it compiled 'the Blue Book', by which it intended to reduce the autonomy of Kosova drastically.  
After the mass demonstrations of the Albanians in 1981, a significant polarisation between the Albanians of Kosova and the unitary and chauvinist forces of Serbia began. The former ones requested advancement of their statehood, and the latter ones destruction of the autonomy of Kosova.  
Serbia carried out the destruction of the autonomy of Kosova step by step. It began it by establishing the state of emergency and sending the police and army to subjugate and occupy Kosova in 1981. Serbia took the demonstrations as a pretext to take over the competencies from the state organs in Kosova. The 13th Congress of the Yugoslav League of Communists (YLC) in 1986, passed 'the Resolution on Constitutional Changes in the Republic of Serbia', by which destroying the autonomy of Kosova was intended. The memorandum of the ASAS, compiled on nationalistic basis, gave an instigation to Serbian plan for destruction of the autonomy that ought to be accomplished by Serbian state bodies.1 In this spirit was developed the public discussion on the amendments of Serbian Constitution.  
It was the first phase of destruction of the autonomy of Kosova, and later by special measures Serbia abrogated violently all the governmental bodies of Kosova. In this way the autonomy of Kosova was destroyed completely.  
The Albanian people, not accepting the subjugated position and the destruction of the autonomy of Kosova, began to organise themselves. The delegates of the Assembly of Kosova, after many endeavours and handicaps made by Serbia, passed the Declaration of the Independence of Kosova (2 July, 1990). The Assembly of Kosova, purported by the Albanian population, approved the Constitution of the Republic of Kosova at Kaçanik, on 7 September, 1990.  
Out of what was said here, it results that they destroyed the autonomy of Kosova in order the subjugate the population of Kosova and force it to emigrate.  

2. Approval of Serbian Acts and Laws as a Means for Acceleration of Emigration  

Serbia and Montenegro made their efforts in different ways to contest the elements of sovereignty of Kosova, that were determined by the Constitution of Kosova and the Constitution of SFR Yugoslavia in 1974. Due to this they requested from the other republics of Federation to support them and they received their agreement to reduce the autonomy of Kosova. In this way they opened the way to destroy completely the autonomy by approving Serbian acts and laws, that were used to exert Serbian police and military violence. These measures influenced the acceleration of emigration of the Albanians from Kosova and their ethnic territories. The consequences were destructive not only for the constitutional position of Kosova, but also for the economy, health, education, science, culture, mass media,2 as well as the life of the Albanians in general. They accelerated particular emigration of the Albanians. Serbia requested from Yugoslavia to proclaim state of emergency in Kosova, and it did so. These measures created real bases for exertion of violence upon the Albanians. Instead of state bodies, a total supervision of Serbian police and military was established.  
The discussions on the changes of the Constitution of Serbia began with amendments. The population of Kosova did not accept the proposals of Serbia. In public discussion organised in Kosova, the absolute majority of meetings and participants declared themselves in favour of maintenance of the autonomy and its advancing. Facing this, Serbia perpetrated violence on the delegates of the Assembly of Kosova. At the time of voting the amendments, the building of the Assembly of Kosova was surrounded by tanks, military and police, and members of the secret police were present in the hall too. In conditions of state of emergency, without the required quorum, without numbering the votes, and by voting of persons that were found in the hall but were not delegates, the then president of the Assembly of Kosova who was a Serb, on 23 March, 1989, proclaimed the approval of the constitutional amendments, and in addition to them some amendments that had not been in public discussion. The Assembly of Serbia approved amendments 9-49 to the Constitution of Serbia on 28 March, 1989. While Serbia was celebrating its victory, the police was killing Albanian demonstrators in Kosova that were protesting throughout Kosova.  
The delegates of the Assembly of Kosova approved the Declaration of the Independence of Kosova on 2 July, 1990, that preceded to the Constitution of the Republic of Kosova, approved on 7 September, 1990 at Kaçanik. By these acts a new period in the history of struggles for independence of the Albanian people in Kosova began.  
Serbia has made its efforts to prevent the formation of the state of Kosova by extraordinary measures, namely, by a state of emergency.  
Serbia approved the law on the action of Republican bodies in special circumstances in Kosova, on 26 June, 1990, by which was destroyed the structure for directing the institutions of social and economic activities. Almost 300 Albanians directors were discharged by compulsory imposing measures.3 It was a hard attack against the Albanian people.  
Serbia passed the law on abrogation of the activity of the Assembly of Kosova and its government on 5 July, 1990. By that law Kosova was deprived of legislative and executive power, that presented a classic occupation and it has continued to the present day.  
Serbia passed the law on labour relations in special circumstances in Kosova, on 26 July, 1990, which is an act of national discrimination of the Albanians. By that law 135,000 Albanian workers were expelled from their jobs, and so their material base became very difficult to keep their families, the whole activity in the Albanian language was banned: education, culture, science and mass media. Then followed stoppage of financial support of institutions of national character, apart from others, of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosova.  
Serbia approved the Constitution of Serbia on 27 September, 1990. This act reduced the autonomy of Kosova still more, and the Albanian people did not take part in its approval. By that Constitution Kosova is called 'Kosova and Metohia'. The Albanians consider that as a constitution of Serbian occupier.  
Serbia passed the law on stoppage of activity of the Presidency of Kosova on 18 March, 1991, that was an act by which the autonomous status of Kosova was denied.  
Serbia discharged the member from Kosova in the Presidency of Yugoslavia and chose another one instead. The election of that member was decided by the Assembly of Serbia and not the Parliament of Kosova, and so he was not the representative of Kosova.  
After the abrogation of the government bodies of Kosova, the governmental organs of communes to local communities were abrogated as well. Except this, all the institutions on Kosova level and in its communes lost their competencies. Serbia formed new communes and divided Kosova into districts. Some parts of Kosova have been linked to districts outside Kosova. On the other hand, the courts of Kosova were abrogated and courts of Serbia have been installed in Kosova. The prisons have became institutions under Serbia as well. Changes have been made in the names of cities, villages, streets, quarters and settlements; all of them have taken Serbian names. Serbia has passed above 200 laws that are valid in Kosova as well. Besides laws, many other acts have been approved that are valid in Kosova only. On all the exit roads from Kosova police stations have been placed, even on those going to Serbia.  
All of these devices have their basic intention to accelerate the expulsion of the Albanians from their ethnic land. The call of Albanian youngsters to draft boards of Serbian military has influenced greatly their exodus. All of these acts, laws and measures of violence against the Albanians in Kosova are unprecedented in Europe now at the end of twentieth century and influence the exodus of the Albanians from Kosova and other ethnic regions of the Albanians.  

3. Closing of Institutions of Education, Science, Culture and Health  

After the abrogation of the autonomy ((1989) and occupation of Kosova (1990) violence against the Albanians was intensified by the Serbian regime. Serbia closed institutions, dismissed workers from their jobs, moved the Albanians from their apartments, isolated, imprisoned and killed them without giving any responsibility and without any legal basis.4 Education of the Albanian population has always caused pains to Serbia.  
In March 1990, Serbia organised poisoning of more than 7,000 Albanian school children and other children of the pre-school age.  
In 1991 it closed all middle schools (65) and a number of elementary schools and stopped financing education in the Albanian language, from kindergartens to university. In this way, about 25,000 teachers remained without any pay.5 The Assembly of Serbia imposed emergency measures to Prishtina University, creating in this way the possibility for dismissal of more than 1000 Albanian university professor and assistants from work. In October 1991, it usurped all the room-space of faculties, higher schools, university students hostels and secondary school pupils hostels. It expelled from their jobs all the Albanian teaching and administration personnel.5  
The Serbian occupying regime imposed emergency measures at Kosova Institute of History in 1990, and closed it up in 1992. At the same time were closed the 'INKOS' (Kosova Institute of Economy), Mining Institute in Mitrovica, Institute of Albanology, etc.  
In July 1992, the Serbian government closed the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosova, that was a hard attack to the Albanian science and culture and raised a great indignation in Kosova. It had assisted the development of scientific and social mind and had been engaged in social trends, giving justification and scientific support to the actual problems in Kosova, particularly in the development of democratic relationships and self-determination. It had influenced profoundly the internationalisatio n of the question of Kosova.6  
The destruction of health institutions was also carried out in unticonstitutional and illegal way. The clinics of the Medical School in Albanian were closed. The Albanian personnel (doctors, nurses and others) was expelled from most of health institutions. Serbia brought Serbian doctors, nurses etc. instead of Albanian ones, even though without professional experience. This was done with strategic intentions of re-colonisation of Kosova.  
Institutions of culture in Kosova experienced the same fate as those of education and health. In 11 institutions of national level, the activity of presentation of cultural values in Albanian was forbidden. At the same time, activity was banned in above 110 objects and institutions of culture (with space-room amounting to 125,000 m2), then it was banned to more than 420 societies, associations, artistic and cultural groups. Organisation of more than 70 manifestations, reviews, festivals, fairs, expositions and other traditional meetings that had been active in Kosova, was banned.  
Publishing activity has, in fact, been stopped since 1990. Periodicals, reviews, newspapers, and even the sole daily newspaper in the Albanian language in Yugoslavia, 'Rilindja', were forbidden to be published. The name of the Publishing House 'Rilindja' was changed into 'Panorama', and the printing house is called 'Gracanica'. The school texts publishing house was closed. In 1991, the whole troop of Ballet Ensemble that had acted at the National Theatre of Kosova was dismissed, and the work at regional theatres was banned, such as in Prizren, Peja, Gjilan, Mitrovica, Gjakova, etc. Then the Institution of producing, distributing and performing films, 'Kosovafilm', was closed; also the work of Kosova troupe of folk songs and dances, 'Shota', and the Musician Association 'Collegium Cantorum' was banned.  
Prishtina Radio-television was closed, and 1,300 Albanians workers in it were left jobless.7 The National and University Library of Kosova was closed for the Albanians, as well as 207 national libraries throughout Kosova, with a fund of books of 1,272,000 units, and in addition 103 special libraries were closed. In the Archives of Kosova, the Albanian experts were expelled from their jobs after imposed measures were applied, and a part of documentation was plundered and sent to Belgrade.  
All of these measures can serve as a testimony of Serbian violence and terror exerted on the Albanian population and Albanian national institutions of education, culture, science, health and mass media, perpetrating real culturocide on the Albanian being.  

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#8 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:46:31
4. Mass Exodus - a Consequence of Serbian Repression and Terror  

Depending on historical circumstances, the Albanians have been forced to emigrate from their ethnic land occupied by Yugoslavia. The intensity of emigration resulted from state repression. Since 1981, especially after 1990, violence and terror have increased. In fact, that was a period of the wild, totalitarian military-police regime, and the unprotected population suffered harshly.8 Serbian policy  isolated Kosova and its citizens totally. The borders on Albania and Macedonia have actually been closed to the Albanians.  
Individual and collective rights of the Albanians in Kosova have been violated systematically. Since 1981 onwards, almost half of the Albanian population has passed through police treatment in various forms. In the last two years, especially in 1994, a significant increase of violation of human and national rights and liberties was evidenced. This can be proved by cases of killing and ill-treating in different forms by the Serbian regime.  
Below is presented a table of the cases evidenced by the Kosova Council of Human Rights and Liberties (KCHRL), for the period 1993, 1994 and six months in 1995.  
The KCHRL, with its seat in Prishtina, registered 19,000 heavy cases of violation of human rights and liberties in 1994. It must be emphasised that many cases could not have been evidenced. The last year (1995) shows a significant acceleration of Serbian repression.  
Taking the members of family as pledge for a wanted person has become very frequent. The member of the family is held as a pledge until the wanted person presents himself at the police.  
Serbia implements another form of repression in order to bring the Albanian population to poverty.  
The financial police organises plundering of Albanian citizens, craftsmen and traders in all the settlements of Kosova.  

Type of violation  1993  1994  1995  
1. Killing by fire arms 11  11  5  
2. Killing by police torture 4  6  3  
3. Suicide as a result of torture -  1  2  
4. Persons harshly tortured -  11  -  
5. Physical ill-treatment  1721  2157    
   of them: women -  22    
   children -  28    
6. Raids of houses 1994  2157    
7. Ill-treatment under pretext of searching for arms 3396  6394    
8. Arbitrary imprisonment  2305  2963    
   of them: women -  7    
   children -  3    
9. Informative talks  849  2729    
10. Punishment with political motives -  90    
11. Persons in temporary arrest -  490    
12. Imprisonment or punishment due to desertion  
 or refusal to military service -  685    
13. Imprisonment of a family member instead of the required persons: -  62    
   women -  10    
   children -  5    
14. Forceful eviction out of the flat 53  54    
15. Confiscation of passports9 -  127    



Poverty that has prevailed over the whole population of Kosova makes life harder and more difficult. Mass unemployment has created poverty of all the classes of population. Expulsion of the Albanians from their jobs has not come to its end.  
The charitable and humanitarian organisation 'Mother Teresa' was asked for aid by 43,320 families in 1992, 45,835 ones in 1993, and 57,353 ones in 1994. Serbian regime has banned work to humanitarian organisations as well.10  
After 1990, the Serbian regime intensified its violence, and particularly in educational system in the Albanian language. The Serbian police has continuously intervened in the educational process and ill-treated Albanian teachers before their students, and also the parents and students themselves.  
The Serbian regime has undertaken all these measures on purpose to create a feeling of uncertainty and to cause the process of emigration of the Albanians from Kosova and re-colonisation of it by Serbs.  
Political, psychological and economic pressure that has been exerted through state terror, is exerted by a plan and programme and all possible mechanisms of violence. Youngsters, men, women with their children, pupils, students, workers of different professions, intellectuals, and even academicians have emigrated.11  The Albanians have been forced to emigrate for different motives: Albanian soldiers that fled from the Yugoslav front of war, other youngsters that did not accept being recruited in the Serbian military, citizens and political activists that were wanted and persecuted by the Serbian police, and others.12  
As a consequence of repression exerted by the Serbian police, 45,972 school children and 1,123 teachers emigrated from Kosova in 1993, and 50,000 school children and above 2,000 teachers of primary and secondary schools, and more than 60 university professors emigrated in 1994. Desertion of Albanian young men (soldiers) from the so-called former Yugoslav National Army (YNA), and later from the Serbian-Montenegrin military, since the beginning of armed conflicts in Yugoslavia was in mass. According to the evidence of Belgrade, about 18,000 Albanian soldiers were in the army in 1991. It is supposed that in 1992, when YNA was decomposed and the Serbian-Montenegrin army was formed, around 30,000 Albanian soldiers of Kosova deserted the army. In the later years, 1993-1995, Albanian young men did not reply to military obligation. According to some calculations, some 80,000 young men seem to have fled from Kosova, not wanting to serve in Serbian army.  
All of this said above confirms that the consequences of the Albanian exodus are overwhelming. One could distinguish among them:  
a) the demographic aspect, which indicates that disproportion of age and sex of the population is observed in the space of emigration. Bearing in mind that the Albanian population is quite young (50% is under 20 years old), only old population, women and children, has remained in Kosova. In this way, the number of marriages and birth-rate have been reduced; b) the economic aspect, in the absence of young population, the contingent of population capable for labour and labour force have been reduced, the economic structure and the structure of people's qualification have changed, the economic activity and standard of living have been decreased; c) the psychological aspect, special problems in the psychological life of emigrants and their families, and many other problem have occurred.14  
By its anti-Albanian position, Serbia refuses the return of the Albanians to Kosova, such as to: a) those who have requested asylum; b) those who do not possess a certificate for their passport identity; c) those that do not have a pass issued by Yugoslav representatives; d) those who posses passports issued in other republics in former Yugoslavia now independent states (Croatia, Bosnia, etc.).15 Recently, Belgrade had conditioned the return of Albanian refugees by material compensation.  
All of this indicates clearly that the general situation in Kosova has become very difficult in all the spheres of life in the recent years. The invading regime has deprived the Albanians of their elementary rights. Accordingly, silent ethnic cleansing by special programming has taken place in Kosova.  

5. Serbian-Montenegrin Short-term and Long-term Intentions of Resettling Albanians  

The aim of the Serbs and Montenegrins has been to occupy the land of the Illyrians-Albanians from north to south since they colonised a part of the Balkan Peninsula. They have carried out ethnic cleansing wherever they happened to live. The South Slavs, on the whole, and Serbs in particular, accepted all the conditions that the Byzantine Empire imposed them and only requested permission to colonise the Balkans. In twelfth century, when a tribal state was formed known by the name Ras, then Zeta, the Serbs began to populate the land of the Albanians in an organised way. The Serbian ruler, Tzar Dusan, expanded his state on the else's land and by invading the land of the Albanians and Greeks. Even after Ottomans occupied the Balkans, The Serbs, despite their being under the Ottoman Empire, received the blessings of the Orthodox Church and Russia and organised two uprisings in the beginning of nineteenth century and won their local autonomy. Since that time, the Serbian Orthodox Church and intellectuals and leaders have intended to form their state on the land that once Tzar Dusan invaded. This means that they had to invade the land of the Albanians, that was under the Ottoman Empire. Due to this intention, national projects and programmes were compiled, determining the strategy and tactics. The Balkans was ruled by two empires: Ottoman and Austrian. But the vital interests of Russia, England and France, and later of Germany, were intertwined here. In these circumstances, 'Nacertanija'was compiled by Ilija GaraÅ¡anin, in 1844. 'Nacertanija', as a Serbian national programme, had genocidal character and had to be perpetrated upon the Albanians, as it anticipated the invasion of their land and their ethnic cleansing. In shortage of immediate force, the project determined: "Serbia should make its utmost efforts to take out stone by stone from the building of the Turkish state and so take whatever possible from that good material... and so be able to erect a new Serbian state...".16  This project was based on a long-term programme of action and occupation of the land of ethnic Albanians. The same intention continued to be carried out also by the New Programme of Mihailo Obrenovic in 1862, which, parallel to liberation of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire, anticipated the emigration of the Albanians from here and access of Serbia to the sea. The project planned that the Albanians should be expatriated bit by bit, and their land be occupied by military forces. This, in fact, happened on the eve of the Congress of Berlin, when Serbia occupied NiÅ¡, Prokuplje, Toplica, Kursumlia, Jablanica, Leskovac and Vranje, and resettled the Albanian population forcefully from those territories. In the same period, Montenegro became expanded, occupying new regions of the Albanians and forcing them to emigrate.  
During the Balkan Wars, the Serbs and Montenegrins invaded the largest part of Albanian land, but after the proclamation of the independence of Albania, they withdrew from those regions, and have held another part of it occupied ever since (Kosova, Western Macedonia, Plava, Gucia, Great Malësia, Kraja, Tivar and Ulqin). The majority of Albanian population has forcefully emigrated from all these territories.  
Summarising: Serbian and Montenegrin long-term intentions towards the Albanians and their territory can be divided into two periods: First, their intentions until the independence of Albania (1912), and second, after the establishment of the Albanian state to the present day.  
In the first period they had the intention:  

- to ban the establishment of an Albanian independent state;  
- to occupy Albanian territories;  
- to force the Albanians to emigrate from their ethnic land;  
- to colonise the land of ethnic Albanians by Serbs and Montenegrins;  
- to convert the Muslim and Catholic Albanians into the Orthodox religion and assimilate them;  
- to partition Albania between Serbia and Greece, giving the latter a part in the south;  
In the second period their intentions have been:  

- to occupy and partition Albania among Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, and later with Italy as well.  
- to isolate the Albanian state from western states in order that it should remain under the Yugoslav dependency;  
- to turn Albanian forces as weak as possible, so that it could not defend itself in cases of its future subjugation by Yugoslavia;  
- to make it possible for the communist ideology to rule and become disseminated in Albania, and it should become the sphere of interests of Yugoslavia and Russia;  
- to isolate Albania and the Albanians as much as possible politically, economically, diplomatically.  
These have been permanent intentions of Serbia and Montenegro towards Albania and the Albanians. They have aspired that the Albanians should be left without real friends and separated from Europe, with which they had been linked for centuries.  

6. Re-colonisation of Kosova - Erection of Kibbutzes on Albanians' Land 1990-1995  

Serbia and Montenegro aimed at changing the structure of ethnic population of Kosova by means of its re-colonisation by Serbs and Montenegrins. The self-called Yugoslav Federation as well the Serbian occupying bodies in the communes in Kosova have passed different legal acts by which they have defined the manner, form, and space for settlement of Serbian colonists in the property of the Albanians. On purposes of accelerated colonisation, the Serbian regime has built kibbutzes on the land of the Albanians. During the last five years, 500 laws, drafts, orders, regulations and other acts dealing with re-colonisation have been approved. These laws, decrees and acts of genocidal character confirm that the authorities of this state not yet recognised by the world, competed with those who would offer more funds and facilities to colonise Kosova forcefully,  although it is a region with the densest population in Europe.  
Starting in 1990, the self-called 'Federal Republic of Yugoslavia' (FRY), except for the YU-programme, passed some seven more legal acts, that are chiefly laws and programmes 'on providing flats for officials and for coming of all those who like to live in Kosova'.  In three such acts solely, that cover the period 1989-1993, was planned erection of 2,000 flats with a surface of 115,272 m2 and 711 sites in addition for building individual houses, on a surface of 284,400 m2, that amounted to above 7,1 million DEM. There were also provided 10,2 million DEM for individual loans for construction. Later on followed 'The Decree on the way and conditions for renting and using flats', then 'The Decision on pointing the federal body of administration that would carry out the right and duties of the investor'. Serbia also passed 'The Law on providing flats', which anticipates the erection of 1,564 flats with a surface of 88,773 m2, and 91.1 million DEM were planned for it.  
FRY passed a law in 1995 on colonisation of 100,000 Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosova. The law defines that sites for houses, erected houses, fertile land, flats and large financial funds would be provided gratis for Serbian colonists.  
The Serbian regime has brought to Kosova many Serbian families from Croatia and Bosnia, and even from Serbia itself as colonists . They have been settled in primary and secondary schools, kindergartens, students hostels, children and workers resorts and libraries. The Serbian government considers the colonisation of Kosova by Serbs and expulsion of the Albanians as an urgent national action. This colonisation by force is considered by the Albanians as an action on purpose of forcing them to emigrate and turning Kosova into a clean Serbian land, namely, the consider it as an act of genocide.  
The government in Belgrade approved a Decision on 15 November, 1994, by which the return of Albanian refugees that have sought asylum in western Europe is conditioned by financial compensation (as if for their registration). Serbia has planned to re-colonise Kosova by Serbs and Montenegrins with those funds.  
To return Albanian refugees from Europe to Kosova, western countries should work out an agreement with the legitimate representatives of the Albanians and not with the Serbian occupiers of Kosova.  
Serbia and the so-called Yugoslavia have made their efforts to re-colonise Kosova in a classic way and force the Albanians to emigrate from their ethnic land. To have a clear picture of what the occupier has done to colonise Kosova, evidence of the places where houses, flats and whole colonies have been erected in different communes for Serbian colonists are provided below.  

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#9 ne: 03-02-2005, 17:46:44
7. Colonisation of Kosova with Croatian Serbs from 10 to 31 August, 1995  

A new action of Serbian regime for recolonisation and serbianisation of Kosova began with the wave of Serbian refugees coming from Croatian Kraina. The recolonisation wave began on 10 August, 1995 and continued further on. The number of Serbian refugees from Croatia, according to Serbian sources, arrived to around 8,000 on 31 August, 1995. However, the data leave the possibility to assert that half of the Belgrade plan for the settlement of 20,000 Serbian colonists from Croatia to Kosova has been fulfilled.  
Despite the reactions of Albanian and international state and political subjects, particularly of the USA, the Serbian regime continued with settling the Serbian refugees from Croatia to the territory of Kosova. It brought about 500-700 new Serbian colonists to Kosova during the summer of 1995, settling them even by force in the objects and property of the Albanians. In spite of Serbian pompous propaganda that the action had a humanitarian character, it is clear that the main intention of this action is to change the ethnic structure of the population and to colonise Kosova.  
 Based on Serbian relying facts, we provide with the number of Serbian colonists settled in some centres of Kosova.  
 In Prizren 1,280, in Prishtina 2,040, in Peja 1,000, at Istog 667, in Gjilan 500, in Gjakova 420, in Mitrovica 318. In Vushtria, at Suhareka and Zubin Potok 250 colonists were installed. At Shtërpce 232, Leposavic 220, Lipjan 200, Vitia 174, at Kamenica 121, at Zveçan and Obiliq 120 each, in Ferizaj and at Rahovec 100 each, at Klina 7, at Kaçanik 70, at Gllogoc 6o, at Fushë-Kosova 20, at Skenderaj 15, etc.  
 Serbian state bodies, both earlier and this time too, settled a large number of colonists at Presheva, Bujanoc and Medvegja, as well as in Ulqin, Tivar and at Plava and Gucia, etc. Therefore, they colonised all the Albanian settlements what indicates clearly the political character of this campaign for colonisation of the regains of ethnic Albanians. These colonists are being secured jobs and means for jobs, land, houses and apartments free of charge and on permanent property basis.  

The list of Serbian colonists at schools, dormitories, and other institutions and objects in Kosova placed from 10-31 August, 1995.  

1. Prishtina                            1040 colonists  
    Elementary School at Milosevo  
    Middle Medical School  
    Teaching Training School  
    Vocational School  
    Middle School "Sh. Gjeçovi"  
    Students Dormitory  
    Pupils Dormitory  
    Youth Centre "Boro and Ramiz"  
    The Parliament of Kosova  
    Hotel 'Bozur'
    Sports Hall "25 May"  
2. Gjakova                              420 colonists  
    School "Hysni Zajmi"  
    Middle Medical School  
    Students Hostel "XH. Doda"  
    Pupils Dormitory  
    Higher Pedagogical School "Bajram Curri"  
    Hotel "Pashtrik"  
    Summer Resort "Emin Duraku"  
    Offices of AC "Ereniku"  
3. Prizren                              1280 colonists  
    Elementary School at Sredska  
    School "Mati Logoreci"  
    Students Dormitory "Xhevdet Doda"  
    Military Barracks  
    Motel "Landovica"  
    Summer Resort at Nashec  
    Motel "Camp-putnik"  
4. Ferizaj                              100 colonists  
    School "Zenel Hajdini"  
    Sports House "Rinia"  
    The Barrack of Tube Factory workers "Luboteni"  
5. Mitrovica                            318 colonists  
    Children Summer Resort  
    Centre of Handicapped Children  
    School "Meto Bajraktari"  
    Middle School of Engineering  
    Middle Medical School  
    Dormitory "Xheladin Deda"  
    Sports Hall  
    Hotel "Adriatic"  
    Police Station at Staritrg  
6. Peja                                 1000 colonists  
    Special School of the Blinds  
    Elementary School "Asdreni"  
    Elementary School "Lidhja e Pezës"  
    Middle School "V.P. Shkodrani"  
    Higher Economic Commercial School Dormitory  
    Motel "Karagaç"  
7. Gjilan                               500 colonists  
    School "Thimi Mitko"  
    Dormitory "Trajko Peric"  
    Sports Hall  
    The Building of "Gosa"  
8. Suhareka                             250 colonists  
    Hotel "Balkan"  
9. Rahovec                              100 colonists  
    School "Mihajl Grameno"  
    Summer Resort at Ura e Fshenjtë  
    Hotel "Park"  
10. Istog                               667 colonists  
    Peja Spa  
    Hotel "Erenik"  
11. Lipjan                              200 colonists  
    Motel "Lipovica"  
    Mine "Golesh"  
12. Vushtria                            250 colonists  
    School Centre "Muharrem Bekteshi"  
    Barracks of the workers of "Kosova" Enterprise  
13. Shtërpca                            232 colonists  
    Electro-Kosova Resort Place  
    Tube Factory Resort Place  
    Animal Farm at Raka  
14. Kamenica                            121 colonists  
    School "Fan Noli"  
    Pupils Dormitory  
    Hotel "Miniera"  
15. Vitia                               174 colonists  
    Middle Engineering School  
    Social Work Bureau  
    Health House  
    Hotel "Agrokomerc"  
    Enterprise "Morava e Epërme"  
16. Kaçanik                             70 colonists  
    School "Vëllazëria - Old Kaçanik  
    Motel "Kalaja"  
17. Klina                               7 colonists  
    Summer Resort "Mirusha"  
    Hotel "Metohia"  
    Agricultural. Co-operative "Hullia"  
18. Fushë Kosova                        20 colonists  
    School "Mihajl Grameno"  
    School "S. Riza"  
    School "Vëllezërit Frashëri",  
    at Miradie e Epërme  
19. Gllogoc                             60 colonists  
    Former Building of the Commune  
    and Party Committee  
20. Zubin Potok                         250 colonists  
21. Leposavic                           220 colonists  
22. Obiliq                              120 colonists  
    Electro-Kosova Building  
23. Zveçan                              120 colonists  
24. Skenderaj                           15 colonists  
    Middle School "Ramiz Sadiku"  
    Culture House "Hasan Prishtina"  
25. Podujeva                            15 colonists  
    Middle Engineering School  

Total   7,549 colonists  

5  kindergartens and summer resorts  
12 elementary schools  
16 middle schools  
9  pupils and students dormitories and hostels  
1  higher school  
42 other objects (buildings)  

This list does not include the colonists that were settled in private and social houses and apartments at villages and in the cities in Kosova.  


 1. Dr Esat Stavileci, Rrënimi i Autonomisë së Kosovës (Destruction of Kosova Autonomy), Prishtina, 1992, p. 43.  
 2. Ibid.  
 3. Adil Fetahu, Masat e përkohshme akt i shkatërrimit të ndërmarrjeve ekonomike dhe institucioneve shoqërore të Kosovës (Temporary Measure, an Act of Destruction of Economic Enterprises and Social Institutions in Kosova), Prishtina, 1992.  
 4. ICK, Material of Kosova Government, Prishtina, 1992.  
 5. Acad. Mark Krasniqi, Kosova sot (Kosova Today), Prishtina, 1992.  
 6. Documents from the Archives of the President of the Republic of Kosova.  
 7. Dr Esat Stavileci, Largimi nga puna i punëtorëve shqiptarë (Dismissal of Albanian Workers from Work), 'Përparimi', 1991, p. 52.  
 8. Dr Rifat Blaku, Shkaqet e eksodit shqiptar, shpërngulja e shiptarëve gjatë shekujve (The Reasons for the Albanian Exodus, Emigration of Albanians during Centuries), Prishtina, 1992, p. 203.  
 9. Report of The Kosova Council of Human Rights and Liberties given to a delegation of Switzerland, January, 1995, Prishtina.  
 10. Report of the Charity Organisation "Mother Tereza', January, 1995.  
 11. As in note 9.  
 12. Information of the Sector of Emigration of LDK, Prishtina, 1995.  
 13. A Brief report on the Situation in Kosova Education, 7 May, 1993, Prishtina.  
 14. Dr Tefik Basha, Aspekte bashkëkohore demografike të eksodit të shqiptarëve nga trojet e tyre (Contemporary Demographic Aspects of the Exodus of Albanians from Their Land), 'Bota shqiptare', No. 1, Tirana, 1992.  
 15. As in note 13.  
 16. 'Nacertanija'- 1844, 'Delo', Belgrade, 1906.


Published by KIC (Kosova Information Center), ©Copyright KIC

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#10 ne: 06-03-2005, 11:46:06
There is a book by Mr. Fred Abrahams, highly recommended for all those who want to find any truth in the religious war and the xenophobia of the Serbian Orthodox Church, who didn't start today but a long time ago.

It's published by Berkley University Press and Human Rights Watch(HRW) if I'm not mistaken and it's title is "A Village Destroyed, May 14, 1999: War Crimes in Kosovo"

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#11 ne: 15-02-2006, 11:45:45
"The Expulsion of Albanians"

The Author: Born in 1897, Vasa Cubrilovic was a 17-year-old member of the Serbian nationalist group that staged the 1914 assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand in Sarajevo. Spared execution because of his age, Cubrilovic spent World War I in prison and then returned to Belgrade to study and work in the government of what was then the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. By the 1930s, he was a professor of history at Belgrade University, where he taught for 40 years, eventually becoming the head of his department and later the director of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences Institute for Balkan Studies. Vasa Cubrilovic was the author of vicious plans to rid Yugoslavia of the Kosovar Albanians. Cubrilovic first presented his ideas to the Serbian Cultural Club, an organization of Belgrade intellectuals. On March 7,1937, he submitted "The Expulsion of the Albanians" to the government as a secret memorandum.

The Plan: "From 1918 onwards it was the task of our present state to destroy the remainder of the Albanian triangle [Kosova]. It did not do this.The only way and the only means to cope with them is the brute force of an organized state." Cubrilovic suggested that Albania and Turkey would be the best places to ship Kosovar Albanians.

But, if Tirana objected to the deportation, "the Albanian Government should be informed that we shall stop at nothing to achieve our final solution to this question." ".to bring about the relocation of a whole population, the first prerequisite is the creation of the suitable psychosis. This can be created in many ways .including bribing and threatening the Albanian clergy, propaganda, and coercion by the state apparatus." "The law must be enforced to the letter so as to make staying intolerable for the Albanians: fines, and imprisonment, the ruthless application of all police dispositions, such as the prohibition of smuggling, cutting forests, damaging agriculture, leaving dogs unchained, compulsory labor and any other measure that an experienced police force can contrive.

From the Economic aspect: The refusal to recognize the old land deeds,... requisitioning of all state and communal pastures,... the withdrawal of permits to exercise a profession, dismissal from the state, private and communal offices, etc., will hasten the process of their removal.... When it comes to religion the Albanians are very touchy, therefore they must be harassed on this score, too. This can be achieved through ill-treatment of their clergy, the destruction of their clergy, the destruction of their cemeteries, the prohibition of polygamy, and especially the inflexible application of the law compelling girls to attend elementary schools, wherever they are .... We should distribute weapons to our colonists, as need be.... In particular, a tide of Montenegrins should be launched from the mountain pastures in order to create a large-scale conflict with the Albanians in [Kosova]. This conflict should be prepared by means of our trusted people. It should be encouraged and this can be done more easily since, in fact, Albanians have revolted, while the whole affair should be presented as a conflict between clans and, if need be, ascribed to economic reasons. Finally, local riots can be incited. These will be bloodily suppressed with the most effective means.... There remains one more means, which Serbia employed with great practical effect after 1878, that is, by secretly burning down villages and city quarters."

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#12 ne: 22-02-2006, 15:33:24
   po shkruaj ne shqip:
Autori i ketij libri me titull: `SHkatrimi i SHqiptarve` ..quhet vasha cubrilovic serb, qe ne moshen 17 vjec ishte antar i nje grupi nacionalist serb.. injohur ne veprimtari vrasese te personave me nacionalitet jo serb si shqiptare ,boshnjak etj Ai u denua  me burg,dhe pas burgut u kthye ne Beograd per te studiuar ne qeverin e mbreterise SERBE,KROATE DHE SLOVENE.Ne vitin 1930, ai ai ishte profesor i historise ne Universitetin e Beogradit ku qendroi per 40 vjet,aktualisht behet koka drejtuese e ketij institucioni e me vone ,drejtor i Akademise se Arteve dhe te Institutit te SHkencave per Ballkanit
vasha cubrilovic ube autor i nje plani monstruoz per pastrimin e jugosllavise nga shqiptaret e kosoves.
cubrilovic-prezantoi ne klubet intelektuale serbe plane per shfarosjen e shqiptareve,ne Beograd e gjetke, qysh ne vitin 1937,me kete rast ai i beri te njohur edhe qeverise te asj kohe nje plan ose (memorandum sekret)sipas librit te tij  fame keq.. ( zhdukjen e shqiptarve ose  e thene ndryshe shfarosje e shqiptarve)`The Explusion of Albanians`...qysh heret 1918 mendimet e tija qarkullonin :se SHqiperia dhe Turqia ishin vendet me te mire qe kosovaret, te  shkonin ,pra te shperngulnin..  ,,shpergulja si pas tyre ne keto vende psh. ( ne SHqiperi)duheshe justifikuar se gjoja shqiptaret e kosoves,benin kercenime ndaj kishave,ose vidhnin,ose atakonin shtetin serb,prishnin te mbjellat te korrat,prisnin pyjet,e gjithfar shpifjesh,dhe per kete duhesh njoftuar me shkrim `QEVERIA SHQIPTARE`per ti riatdhesuar sipas tyre ne SHQIPERI nga kishin ardhur!!
Nga pikpamja ekonomike:shteti serb -nuk do tu njihte kosovare tapite e vjetra te tokave te tyre.. ose mos lejimin e te drejtes per te ushtruar profesionet,mohimin nga ana e shtetit nga privatet dhe zyrat  comunale-- me nje fjale duke ua bere te zeze jeten--do te ishte nje shkak per te shpejtuar levizjen e kosovareve drejt shqiperise ose turqise..
kur vjen puna per besimin fetar shqiptaret jane shume te prekshem,megjithe ate duhet te jene te shqetsuar mbi kete problem,gjithashtu.kjo duhet te arrihet me shkatrimin e klerikeve te tyre ose trajtimit te tyre si te semure,shkatrimin e vareve t trye.ndalimin e martesave me dy gra,ligje  jo fleksibel per pjesmarjen e femrave ne shkollen fillore ..shperdarje te armeve serbeve dhe aleateve te tyre per te perhapur konflikte me shqiptaret e kosoves kjo do te realizoheshe nga njeres te besuar serb duke perhapur gjithashtu luftra midis klaneve shqiptare,pra konflikte vllavrasese midis shqiptarve... duke krijuar keshtu nje gjakderdhje masive... midis shqiptareve ..dhe largimi i tyre do te ishte i sigurt..........

................... ................... ................... ................... ................... ................... ................... ..................
Ky ishte ne pergjithsi libri` THE EXPLUSION OF ALBANIANS` fame keq anti -shqiptari me i terbuar `VASHA CUBRICOVIC` qe iu qift nona ne brim  atje ku e ka NGA TE GJITHE SHQIPTARET NGA NJE HERE! ZOTI E DEGJOFTE FJALEN TIME ..

#13 ne: 20-03-2008, 09:52:45
Deshiroij te gjeje shenime te gazetes zyrtare nga Pleniumi i IV te PKJ-es ne Brione dhe shenime te MPB-es te viteve 19966 ne Jugosllavi , te botuar ne ate kohe.

#14 ne: 07-04-2008, 15:30:28

kuini aini mrè aka cika dicka  :)

#15 ne: 26-04-2008, 06:39:47
sije amir

#16 ne: 26-04-2008, 06:41:46

Temat e fundit